THE MAGAZINES.

THE editor of the Nineteenth Century has secured an admirably written and closely argued paper entitled " Entente—English or German ? " from the pen of M. Naquet, a French ex-Deputy and ex-Senator.. M. Naquet is himself a firm and loyal supporter of the Anglo-French entente. It should be borne in mind, however, that not only is he an advocate of general disarmament, but that be has urged, and still urges, France to diairmametvt—even unilateral—should she be unable to bring about simultaneous action among the nations of Europe." His reasons for adopting the course deserve to be quoted in full

"In these days, I do not believe it to be possible to induce any nation, Germany or another, to attack an inoffensive and disarmed nation, which by its own act had thus given the greatest example in the history of the world. I hold the dangers arising from such an attitude to be infinitely less than those which Europe now runs from an armed peace. I do not hide from myself, any more than the Nationalists, the peril overhanging Europe, but the study of history has taught me that the possession of imposing military strength often excites a nation to enterprises which it would otherwise have avoided."

M. Naquet's frank admissions, which imply a refreshing lelief in the perfectibility of the Great Powers, will no doubt discount in many minds—most certainly in ours— his claims to be regarded in any other light than that of an amiable visionary. But his analysis of the attitude of the two sections of the Nationalists is acute and interesting. The larger section strongly favours England; so that it comes to this, that serious opposition to the English entente is confined to a fraction of the Nationalist Party which, though containing the most conservative and reactionary Nationalists, leans to a rapprochement with Germany. With great patience, courtesy, and fairness, M. Naquet explains the reasons of this unnatural voile- face, and demolishes the arguments on which the " German " group bases its preference. Some readers may regard the whole article as a work of supererogation; but it is at least illuminating as showing to what lengths the anti- militarist temper has gone in France.—Mr. Wilfrid Ward contributes an able defence of the Pope, in which be contends that the view current in the English Press as to the aims of the Separation Law, and the attitude of the French Government, of the moderate Roman Catholics and the bulk of the clergy respectively, is entirely inaccurate. The apparently conciliatory attitude assumed from time to time by French Ministers, in his view, is alWays the prelude for more stringent measures of persecution, and he concludes by asserting that French Roman • Catholics "are as a body convinced that what is going on is not legislation with the view to the ultimate 'liberty of the Church, designed to purge Catholicism of political elements, but is on the contrary, in the minds of its chief promoters, part of a campaign directed through the Church against Christianity." The attitude of the Vatican, he adds, has been unanimously, and for the most part enthusiastically, accepted by the 'French Churcb.—Lord Stanley of Alderley writes on " The•Future of ••Popuhir Education" in the light of the recent action of the House of Lords. He clearly holds that the Government went too far in their concessions, and

for the immediate future looks to "resolute adniinistration" as' a necessary step to further legislation. Lord Stanley of Alderley adheres to his view that ad hoc educational authorities are desirable, at any rate in large towns. For the rest, though

regarding the introduction of another Education Bill in 1907 as improbable, he is strongly of opinion that the question

cannot go over to another Parliament, but that " within a very

short time national education must he taken entirely out of the hands of ecclesiastical bodies, and made definitely and com-

pletely a part of the lay municipal activities of the nation."— We are very glad to call the attention of our readers to Lieutenant-Colonel A. W. Pollock's article on the Spectator Experimental Company, in which be concisely sets forth the

arguments which led to the Experiment, and some of the lessons to be drawn from it. We will only say here that he

gives good grounds for believing that the Experiment has not only shown that it is possible to arrange conditions of service which the genuine working and other classes would

accept in sufficient numbers, but conclusively proves that, under conditions calculated to ensure such acceptance, it is possible to train the officers and men up to the necessary standard of efficiency.

The editorial "Episodes of the Month" in the National Review are chiefly devoted to a survey of the acliievements of the new Administration, which must be read in connexion

with an article by Mr. Arnold-Forster on "The Government and the Policy of Hate." The keynote of this article is struck

in the initial statements that "the present Government, if not

the worst, is probably the most dangerous Administration which the nation has had to endure for a century," and, again,

that it is "anti-national, anti-English, and vindictive." Mr.

Arnold-Forster reviews its work in every detail, and finds, with the solitary exception of the Merchant Shipping Bill, that it is very bad indeed. In particular, the Education Bill is purely vindictive and punitive. Mr. Arnold-Forster concludes his criticisms by appealing to the Unionist Party to concentrate

their efforts on a constructive policy. (It should be noted that Mr. Arnold-Forster, in order to avoid qualifying his wholesale denunciation of the Cabinet, carefully excludes all mention of their foreign policy.) The editor, on the other hand, though •

fiercer in his denunciation of his pet aversions—e.g., Mr. Haldane is "a gigantic gas-bag," and Mr. Bryce "a meticulous pedant," while Mr. Winston Churchill "has no principles and no enthusiasm except -egoism "—pays a generous tribute to Sir Edward Grey's admirable' management of our foreign •

policy, and frankly admits that while "our friendships and alliances have been maintained,. there is every prospect of

an extension of the circle of European goodwill by the settlement of several outstanding Anglo-Russian differences, while so far as we know there has been no deterioration in our relations with any other Power." It is somewhat difficult

to reconcile this with Mr. Arnold-Forster's statement that "there is not an organised community throughout the

world, not a Cabinet, - a public or a private association, a

section of any community, a body of conspirators acting openly or • in secret, which is unfriendly to this country, and which desires to see 'its power diminished and its

influence destroyed, in which • the present Government is not regarded as a conscious or unconscious • ally." We

wonder whether Mr. Arnold-Forster really believes this farrago of nonsense—We are glad to'note that "Ignotus " contributes a vigorous and well-reasoned protest against the

policy of what the editor calls " Continentalising England by means of a Channel Tunnel." The analysis of the economics of the problem is in particular worthy of careful attention.

—Sir Rowland Blennerhassett sends an informing paper on

the Hohenlohe Memoirs, in which he mainly attributes the Prince's hostility to Great Britain to ignorance, and readily admits that he was animated by a most sincere and ardent wish for the greatness of Germany.—We may also note a valuable paper on " German Finance in Turkey " ; Sir Thomas

Whittaker's article on "Practical Temperance Reform," in which he strongly supports the adoption of the Norwegian method of conducting licensing premises; and a long supple- • ment on the " Separatist .Conspiracy in Ireland," in which the anonymous writer contrasts the 'Election pledges of Cabinet

Ministers with their, tacit acquiescence in Abe claim of the _ Nationalists that the Cabinet have now received a "mandate" to deal with the problem. of ,Irish self-government. With, much of the argument we, as convinced supporters of the

Legislative Union, find ourselves in agreement ; but the author certainly conveys the impression, for which there is little justification at the moment, that Sir Antony MacDonnell is persona gratissima fo the Irish Parliamentary Party.

Mr. L. T. Hobhouse, in the new Contemporary, condemns the policy of "filling up the cup," and pronounces definitely in favour of speedily testing the feeling of the electors in regard to the House of Lords. He faces the objections to forcing on the fight fairly and squarely, the first and greatest being that "no constructive scheme for dealing with the Lords has been thought out and accepted by the democratic majority as a whole." Again, he frankly declares that "the absolutely uncontrolled government of a single Chamber which could not legally be prevented even from extending its own term of power is not, in fact, to be desired by any one wbo holds by responsible government." He also points out that the Liberal Party is no longer the sole effective rival to Conservatism. Personally, he thinks recourse to a Referendum the best means to a Constitutional settlement; but, in view of its being rejected as too great an innovation, is inclined to accept, as the most workable alternative, an appeal to the country—the battleground having been carefully chosen—for a mandate for the-permanent limitation of the right of veto, the Government having made it clear that they would decline to continue in office unless assured of the means of carrying a ,Bill for that purpose. The veto once limited, the objection that reform would strengthen the Second Chamber would lose its force, and a democratic Government could proceed at leisure to reform the House of Lords with the view of making it a Chamber of legislative experts.— Dr. Macnamara writes on "The Education Bill and After." Admitting the impossibility of the Government taking up a large Education Bill in a Session "already ear-marked for Ireland and Licensing," he finds the situation—notably in regard to the management of non-Provided schools—intoler- able. His remedy is practically that of "resolute adminis- tration " advocated by Lord Stanley of Alderley .‘ If the Local Education Authorities, together with the Board of Education, would, without discriminating in any way between the various classes of schools, Council or Voluntary, see that every school was well lighted, well ventilated, well found, and in good sanitary condition; and if sufficient money were forthcoming to enable the Local Educational Authorities to replace any school not satisfying these most legitimate and reasonable conditions by a school under its own control, I am rather inclined to think that within a couple of years from the date upon which I am penning this article, the Church of England particularly would be clamouring for the very Education Bill which their friends in the House of Lords have just destroyed."

Dillon's review of foreign affairs is chiefly remarkable for a long communication from "a prominent Russian patriot " setting forth in all its nakedness the Jewish policy of the Russian Court Party. The gist of the Russian patriot's argument is that Russian Jews are unlike the Jews in any other country, and to that extent less desirable. One ist reminded of the saying of a respected English Jew of the Jews of Central Russia: " We have been trodden into the dirt, and dirt we have become." Dr. Dillon's comment is somewhat pessimistic. M. Stolypin's middle course is clearly inadequate. " The only logical conclusion is enfranchisement pure and simple. Anything lees than that will satisfy no Party, while it will irritate all. Yet M. Stolypin, unsup- ported, cannot remove all the disabilities of the Jews. No Premier, however Liberal, could. The nation's representatives must do it." Bat, as he has previously shown, the temper of the nation towards the Jews by no means encourages the hope that such a step is likely to be taken by their representatives. —Mr. Albert Cave in a paper on " The Newest Journalism" subjects certain recent developments of sensational newspaper enterprise to a good deal of plain-spoken criticism. The most serious counts of his indictment are those which deal with the journals which avowedly cater for juveniles, and, while pur- porting to amuse and instruct the ingenuous youth, rest their appeal chiefly on schemes which foster the gambling spirit, and on fiction which is frequently founded on current sensa- tions and crimes, glorifies horseplay, and inculcates music- ball patriotism.—Mr. P. J. Maclagan discusses the difficult problem of the relations of Christian missions and the civil powers in China from the point of view of a Protestant missionary, but with a moderation and good sense which ofight to secure a patient hearing for the remedies -which he suggests.—Lord Cardigan contributes an interesting paper on the numbers of our Regular Army. So far as we can see, he strongly supports the view that a much smaller but-highly disciplined force would be adequate to our needs. He accord. ingly condemns successive Administrations for increasing our Estimates, while practically admitting that the forces required to protect us in time of war can only be obtained by conscrip- tion, which they have no intention of recommending..

The article by Mr. J. A. Spender in the Fortnightly on "Population and Agriculture" is most interesting both from the soundness of its argument and the 'Moderation of its views. Mainly, the article is an historical retrospect, going as far back as the last twenty years of the eighteenth century. From this survey we see that in studying the decline of the agricultural population we must take into account the artificial stimulation caused by war high prices and congestion from immobility, which emphasised the decline when it'came. Mr. Spender shows clearly by figures that the repeal of the Corn- laws by no means accounts for rural depopulation. He says: "In the twenty years from 1871 to 1891 the decline in arable acreage was about 7 per cent., while the decline in labourers was about 25 per cent." This disparity was, of course, due to machinery. Another great cause of the dwindling of the country population was the enclosing of commons, with -the' consequent disappearance of the smaller yeomen, and the refusal of the renewal of copyhold lettings. This in some parts of England bad the effect of turning, small farmers into labourers, with the result that the possibility of a career for the small man in the village was practically extinguished. Mr. Spender does not go into the question of remedies, but warns people that "it is useless to complain that the rural population is stationary, if all measures which might make the agricultural career in this country comparable in its attractiveness with the same career in the colonies, or an industrial career in the towns, are to be steadily resisted by those interested in the land." The difficulty is not so much that those interested refuse reform as that the proposals of the reformers are too often unconvincing.—Mr. Garvin traces the causes, economic and political, which led to the extinction of the commercial supremacy of Hoihuad. These causes are then compared with the present condition of our Empire, and we are told that there are many resemblances. For instance, Holland allowed a free-trade policy to destroy her manu- factures because her shipping was flourishing. The final verdict is that to avert the fate of Holland we must widen "the basis of Imperial life and power by the commercial and naval union of Greater Britain."—In this number Mr.' Maurice Hewlett begins a serial novel, "The Stooping Lady," the opening scene of which is laid in London in 1809.

Flying machines as engines of war enter into a powerfully written story in Blackwood told by " Ole Luk-Oie." A bridge. is being constructed over a river to bring food and ammuni- tion to a sadly harassed army, and so good are the precautions taken that the enemy's raiders are unable to impede the work. At a village thirty miles off an aerial flotilla has assembled consisting of twelve airships. These start at nightfall for the bridge. Their direction is shown to them at first by men on the ground carrying poles upon which are lamps shaded so as only to shine upwards. The explosives thrown from the air. produce the direst results, as do the special bombs for setting things on fire ; and although by mishaps the air fleet loses a third of its number, the result desired is attained. With the present advances in airship construction, there is nothing to make the story appear impossible, even if hitherto unseen causes render aerial navigation unrealisable. Expectations now raised point to a fleet such as is described in this story being some day a horrible reality.—Dr. Louis Robinson's, paper on "Chins and Character " not only upholds the popular belief in the connexion between these physical and mental features of man, but also gives reasons for the connexion. The development of the jaw may be brought about by the eating of hard food, and Dr. Robinson says he has noticed this in a marked way by comparing boys who have entered the Navy with boys of the same class and age who have. remained in towns eating soft food. This fact does not, of course, explain the connexion between strength of- character and a well-developed chin. It does show that the chin can be 'developed in shape by exercise of the eating muscles. The expression " setting one's teeth," according to Dr. Robinson,

is the survival of a primitive instinct, and goes back to the time when for offence or attack man relied on his power of biting. Although this power is no longer used, when a man inclines to assume a defiant attitude of mind, he involuntarily exerts the muscles which control the movements of the jaw. Thus a child of determined character is con- stantly bringing these muscles into play, and thereby they become hardened and developed. So even if the determined man lives upon soft food his jaw becomes pronounced. This reasoning seems to explain the facts, but it would also seem to indicate that a decided chin may result from bard food as well as from determination.—The second instalment of " With a Car to the German Manceuvres," by the author of On the Heels of De Wet, does not get us to within sight of the army. The car is more than commonly fickle, and the rate of advance varies from fifty miles an hour to total breakdown. Whatever happens is, however, told in such a way as makes the telling amusing.

The Monthly Review reaches us on the present occasion too late for a detailed review. We desire, however, to draw the attention of our readers to an article by Colonel Pollock on "National Training," in the latter part of which he deals at considerable length with his experiences in the Spectator Experimental Company, and applies its lessons to the projects for a reformed Militia. The following passage is worth quotation :—

" In the late Spectator Experimental Company the young men under instruction gave from the very beginning complete un- questioning obedience to their sergeant-instructors; only twice throughout the training were there cases of insolence, and only upon one occasion after the first week. But although the cadet- sergeants and corporals who were appointed towards the end of the course, by selecting the best—partly as the result of a written examination and partly by a general review of their merits—were perfectly able to command sections on parade or at manoeuvres, I clearly recognised that it would be very unsafe to allow them to exercise authority at other times. For example, I dared not have placed a cadet-sergeant in charge of a fatigue party cleaning up the barracks ; to the end, the sergeant- instructors had to superintend all such work and generally keep order."

—Another article of interest is "The Seven Travellers in the Treasure-Boat," which is profusely illustrated from re- productions of Japanese porcelain in the British Museum and from Hokusai's sketch-book—In an article entitled " Ghosts of Piccadilly " Mr. G. S. Street gives an entertaining account of Nos. 81 and 82 in that street, and of the various persons who have inhabited them.—" Jane, Duchess of Gordon," is another historical article. It was this Duchess of Gordon, it may be remembered, who was the friend of Burns, and who played a considerable part in the political life of the end of the eighteenth century. The Duchess was the daughter of Sir William Maxwell of Monreith, and in her young days earned by her beauty the title of "The Flower of Galloway."