12 DECEMBER 1840, Page 1


MsnamsT ALI has accepted the terms offered by the Allies through the medium of Commodore NAPIER. The Pasha is to evacuate Syria, receive Egypt as a hereditary fief of the Porte, and restore

the Turkish fleet. This first act of the drama has closed: we em- brace the opportunity to review the position of the Continental Powers at its termination.

In France, the address has been carried in the Chamber of De- puties by a majority of 247 to 161 in a house of 408; being 42 votes more than are required to constitute an absplute majority of the Chamber. Thi, division was the final result of the most pro- longed and stormy discussion on record. Orn the 23i1 of November the draft of the address prepared by the Committee was read to the Chamber by the President, amid repeated and violent inter- ruptions from the Gauche. On Wednesday the 25th, the general discussion of the address opened; continued throughout the week ; was resumed on the Monday following; and closed on Thursday the 3d December. On Friday the 4th, the Chamber proceeded to the consideration of the paragraphs, and the amendmeets proposed to be substituted for each; and on Saturday the 5th, after the whole had been gone us ue, the Bunt Note was token.

The debate, notwithstanding the ferment which pervaded the Chamber during its continuance, was characterized by a more business-like, decorous method, than is maniffisted on similar occa- sions in the British House of Commons. When a point was raised, it was viewed on all sides; the same parties were repeatedly called upon for explanations; it was not allowed to drop until the most precise elucidation had been obtained. Passing, however, from the forms of discussion to the 'sentiments and opinions advanced, we cannot help feeling that the legislators of France, although perfectly Alive to the importance of constitutional forms, and apparently better men of business than our representatives, arc lamentably at sea in their notions of what is due to other countries. Not even the vast expenditure of M. TRIERS could call them to reflection. M. GuizoT has come best out of the scrutiny. There was a weight in his expressions, a boldness in confronting and rebuking the infuriated Opposition, and withal a statesmanlike retenue, beyond what we had anticipated. Yet even M. Gurzor, although avowing sentiments regarding a pacific policy which do him honour, showed himself tar removed from entertaining just or precise notions regarding the respect due to the independence of other nations. Of M. Tninits it must be said that he has damaged himself to an extent which no person but himself could have done. The account which he gave of his hews and actions while in office is characterized by the most reckless disregard of justice. Nor is this all : the counter- statements of M. Gutsier and his colleagues, based upon docu- ments, stowed that M. Timms was misrepresenting his own policy. The policy which he attributed to himself from the tribune was an afterthought, improvised with a view to catch the votes of the War faetim. Tmcris stands revealed as a mere orator, without the knowledge of a statesman or the principles of an honest man. M. OnisioN But Roam evinced a lamentably unsettled state of opi- nion on •he most important questions : mt one moment he was talking alout the ascendancy of France, Wu: M. Timms ; and the next he was deprecating "interference in the domestic concerns of other natims—for which," he said, " the allegstimm of anarchy was the never-Siling pretext." M. BRRRYER Was lust in admiration of Lord PAT,IERSTiy. Some of the Foreign Secretary's admirers have quoteS that eloquent tribute to his merits : we wish him joy of it, fbr it :mounts to this—" Lord Palmerston has done for Eng- land what am Ultra-Royalist, ambitious of external aggrandisement,

could have sished to see done for France." These speakers are fit types of heir respective parties, and enable us to dispense with

any notice c the rest. It seems clear that the present race of public men it France arc inferior to their predecessors. There is 110 BENJAMINCONSTANT in the Chambers, as there are no BER AN- GERS or PALL Louts COURIERS ill the press. 11e have endea-

roused in another page to assign a reason for this. The publi- men of France are soldiers, scholars, or ai.fioteurs ; the only departs ments of state in which the public has a voice are the Electoral Colleges and time Chambers ; but a small fraction of the population is admitted within the pale of the franchise, and (Nell its functions are restrained within the narrowest limits. The opportunities of forming robust and healthy statesmen do not exist in France at present.

Time termination of the debate is any thing but tranquillizing. The Ministemial majority was obtained by grm.mat concessions. On the :3i1 instant, the Committee on the address distributed before the reopening of the debate a remodelled address; and it was this second edition that was before the Chamber during the two days' discussion of the paragraphs, and was ultimately adopted. it is materially less pacific in its tone than the orig,inalprsjet. The large majority that supported the address as voted, seems to have been gained mainly by M. Draix's insertion of the paradoxical phrase poix armie—"France, a fetat de pt/i ariniSe et pl, iec du sentiment de .ea force veillera au maintien de requilibre Europeen, et rte sfinffrira pas qu'il , snit porn"; atteinte." M. GuezoT adopted this ambiguous phrase : "nous y adherons pleinement." He declared —" La question est nettement po56e entre le maintien des arme- mens actuels et ht politique de la pais: armee, d' ale part, et de fautre he developpement, facroissement des armemens jusqu';1 concurrence de 939,000 hounnes, et la politique de la guerre preparee." M. DE:PIN threw a little additional light upon the first clause of time alternative, by saying, "Non seulement la France gardait sa liberte d'action, Innis encore ses 500.00 hommes la mettaient cn mesure de signifier sa volont(m." We confess that we are too obtuse to see ally essential difference between "la guerre presetrde" with t109,000 men, and " la paix armee" with 500,000. In the mean time, private letters front France assert that recruiting and the preparations in the arsenals are carried on as actively as ever. Nor ought the significant hints regarding Spanish affairs to pass without notice. M. MauourN said, during the debate- ., abates-vets en garde centre rineleterrem ennstrttis,:z des batteaux wpeur, const miser. des vaissvnux fins voilierssqui pui,sent 'C.,tre. employes comme corsalres ; et prkinez Bien le motile entier que dans ba el, de guerre centre Angluterre, des Inures Or marque serakuc eagclirw i■;,;11'aux polies les plus 610ignes du globe ; que nous couvririons to ut,s les tiers tie corsaires; prevenez

bienr.inleterre qua se s finandw seront !it trintes. * * Rapprechez-sous

de 1'1::pro.0,e. * • * SJyez rutecteurs et note sex oppresseurs—" M. .1311:is Bizein—" Ses direetew.s."

M. Mang ain—" adoptelexpression, sex threcteurs.•• And M. GrizoT's journal, the Daats, says of M. MAUGUIN'S speech-

" Le moment West pas venni d'apprecier les conclusions de M. Mauguin. Il

a propose un changement ee scut Id des questions de Parenir. Dials nous reconnaissons ayee plaisir que d'un bout a l'autre ce bgflagnt era- teur a mid habits, savant, logique dans l'argamentation, it parfaitement con- venable dans la forme," It is impossible, in reflecting upon such expressions, not to sus- pect that LOUIS PHILIPPE has some new stroke of policy in-reserve. ills efforts to preserve peace on the present occasion have been dic- tated, like all his actions, by a calculation of the consequences of war to himself personally. Ile was less averse to war than to the revolutionary impulse it night give to the minds of Frenchmen. lie must be aware that it will be difficult for M. Grizor to main- tain the position he has assumed—peace with other nations, and at the same thne determined opposition to internal reforms. M. Tutees, while in office, was equally conservative:, an 1 therefore he sought to divert popular attention to foreign atftirs. The com- bined unpopularity of allowing France to be baffled without, and refusing to grant popular concessions within, must crush any Mi- nister. Already M. TILLERS is making overtures to the suffrages extension party. Louis PHILIPPE is making timely preparation to conciliate time good-will of Russia. Ile is taking, the field as the champion of Queen CHRISTINA—as the denouncer of the antwily which threatens Spain under the influence of Lord PALMERSTON. Ile sees in this strategy the means of alienating the "legitimate" Sovereigns from England, and regaining their patronage fur his un- stable dynasty, and at the same time of flattering the uneasiness of • the French at having been baffled by England, by enabling them to baffle England in return. Hence the Ministerial patronage of M. MAUGUIN: hence the nonsensical phrase la paix armee.' Turning to Germany, we find the state of affairs equelly unsatis- . factory : that country is bristling Is ith arms as well as France. The constitution of the Germanic Conti'der:tti.ta is a most anoma- hems one. It is in some sort the government of a House of Lords without either King or House of Commons. 'rime representatives of the Sovereigns composing the Confederation constitute the Diet, and the Diet has more than once ordered individual Sovereigns to annul the proceedings of their States-General. Most of these Sovereigns, indeed, have kept themselves untmlogged,bs reptesenta- five bodies of anv kind. On the other hand, there js no apparent Sovereign over tile Diet. To Austria is couceded:the. Presidency merely. But Austria and Prussia, in addition to their possessing larger territories than any other sovereigns within the limits of the Confbderation, possess external territories of large extent. On account of their superior power, and their influence through inter- marriages and other means, Austria and Prussia, when acting in concert, dictate to the Diet. Properly speaking, therefbre, the Germanic Confederation is an aristocratic government with two dominant members. Austria, Prussia, and the Confederation, can bring a large, brave, and well-disciplined army into the field ; al- though these powers constitute a lumbering and scarcely cohering state, difficult to set in motion, and seldom cooperating very cordially. Such as it is, however, it is arming as well as France. The old fortresses of the Confederation are repaired, and a new fortress is to be constructed; levies and armaments are every- where in brisk progress. Commanders are appointed to the dif- ferent divisions ; among others, the King of Holland, who, as well as the King of Denmark, is a member of the Confederation. While one half of Europe is thus arming against the other, Russia keeps silent watch. Turkey is not further removed from her than before ; nor does it appear that the regeneration of Turkey has yet commenced. A1E11E:MET Ara is recognized as he- reditary governor of Egypt : will there be no inclination on the part of other powerful Pashas to strengthen their families by a similar concession to them ? A new element has been introduced into the constitution of Turkey—hereditary rulers of provinces. The first step to the dissolution of the German empire was that of rendering the great fiefs hereditary. The Sultan had enough to do to keep in order the Pashas holding their office during his good plea- . sure : how will he deal with hereditary Pashas? How can he re- fuse to friends what he has conceded to an enemy ? Mean- while, indications of the real strength of the government at Con- stantinople may be gathered from two filets. First, at the moment that Syria was given up by MEHEMET ALI, there was no Turkish authority in existence to take possession of it : the nominal Pasha of Syria had been recalled, and no successor appointed. Second, there are serious disturbances in Albania, and there is a talk of British troops being detached from Corfu to suppress them. Bri- tish troops have conquered Syria for time Sultan, and doubtless British troops can conquer Albania for him : but how is the Sultan to keep these countries? We have said that the first act of the drama has closed, and with this resume we take our leave of the subject for the present. Lord PALMERSTON'S warlike operations in the Levant have been Success- ful. The prestige attending success, and the exposure M. Tomas has made of himself, will conciliate marry supporters to Lord ALMERSTON from that numerous class who think that if one man is in the wrong his adversary must therefore be in the right, and that success justifies any policy. But as to the settlement of Europe !—France is armed, and eager for war; the Germanic Con- federation (including under that title every European Sovereign who is a member of the Confederation) is armed, and not averse to war; Russia is watching Turkey, rendered even weaker than before by recent transactions; Louis Pnimern is preparing to avail himself of Lord PALMERSTON'S coquetting with the Ultra- Liberals of Spain, in order to dissolve the hollow alliance between Russia and England, and substitute for it an equally hollow alliance between Russia and France. The risk of war is not over, fill. the cause is not removed. The trifling affitir of Syria was palpably a mere pretext for venting animosities which had a deeper source,

and another pretext can easily be found. The risk of war consists in the immense amount of uneasiness and discontent which pervades Europe, unaccompanied by clear views of any means of redress, and the surplus of energy and activity, for which the organization of European states provides no useful employment. The struggle between the comfbrtable Conservative classes and the Chartists in England is but a type of what is keeping the whole of Europe in a state of feverish unsettlement. The Move- ment party is uneasy, and disturbs everybody by its blind gropings

in search of relief. The Conservative party is eager for peace,— meaning by that word that the suffering shall cease to groan for

fear of disturbing their tranquil repose. The Conservatives have won the last game, but the peace which is only for the advantage of the few cannot be lasting. A satisfactory arrangement is not

to be expected from statesmen of the PALMERSTON class, who

support the inviolable integrity of states in the East, recognize revolted provinces as independent states in the West, support the "right divine of kings" in Syria, and the "sacred right of insur- rection" in Spain—and all the while talk about their " system " of foreign policy.