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Timm or Loans, Monday, July 9.—Education. Tuesday, July 9.—Poor Assessments (Scotland) Bill; second reading—East India. Council BBL Thursday, July 1L—Mercantile Marine ; Lord Hardwicke's Explanation—Tram- ways (Ireland) Act Amendment Bill ; second reading—Ports and Harbours Bill passed through Committee—Poor Law Assessment (Scotland) Bill ; Committee— state of Leicester-square; conversation on—Railway Accidents—Marquis of West- meath's question. Friday, July 12.—Financial and Administrative Reforms in Turkey; Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's Motion. Horn OF COXMONS, Monday July 9.—The New Foreign Office ; Lord Mello's Motion—Committee of Supply—Appropriation of Seats Bill; third reading—Uni- versity Elections Bill; adjourned debate. Tuesday, July 9.—Irremovable Poor Bill; Committee—Naval Reserved List ; Mr. B. Coehrane's Motion—Municipal Corporations Aet Amendment Bill ; Committee. Wednesday, July 10.—Fictitious Savings Banks Bill withdrawn; Church Rates Law Amendment Bill withdrawn ; Metropolis Local Management Acts Amend- ment Bill ; debate on motion for second reading Thursday, July 11.—Education Commission ; discussion—Supply; Education Esti- mates—Salmon and Trout Fisheries Bill; Committee.

Friday, July 12.—Miscellaneous Questions.

MONDAY, Jinx 92-5.

House of' Lords.

EDUCATION.—This subject was brought forward by Lord LYTTEuroli, who thought that as it would be some time before the Education Estimates were considered in the other House, it would be convenient to know beforehand what was the intention of Government with regard to the report of the Education Commissioners. The noble Lord entered especially into the question of pauper education, and wished to know whether the recommendation of the Commissioners in favour of a county rate was to be carried out. He should be ex- tremely glad if a system of pauper schools could be supported by a charge on the ratable property of the country, but at the same tune he feared that an insuperable objection to any such plan existed in the necessity there would be of transferring the educational management of those schools into the hands of the ratepayers. He also objected to the last recommendation in the report, which was to the effect that henceforth certificates should bear no pecuniary, but only an honorary value. This, if carried out, would take away from the schoolmasters nearly the whole value of their connexion with Government, and he believed it would deprive the training colleges of some of their best pupils. He concluded by alludinK to one or two points which were omitted from the report, the most important of which were Mr. Chad- wick's suggestion that one half the ordinary school hours should be devoted to physical exercise and military drill, and Mr. Senior's state- ment of obstacles in the way of education in those districts where un- regulated trades, that is to say, manufactures exempted from the Factory Act, prevailed. The noble Lord concluded by expressing a hope that it was not the intention of Government to take any action on the report before the next session of Parliament.

Earl Gitrawnze briefly replied, Government hoped at some future period to deal with the most difficult part of the subject—pauper edu- cation. He should leave to the Duke of Newcastle the task of making any general observations on the report.

Lord BROUGHAM directed the conversation to the subject of middle- class education, which, he considered, was one of very great import- ance. The Session before last he had presented 120 petitions, signed by 14000 persons, claiming for middle-class children better schools, and that there should be an extension of the system of inspection to grant certificates of ability and good conduct to schoolmasters for the middle class. The noble Earl upon that occasion raised a very reason- able objection on the score of want of funds, but still it was of the utmost importance that middle schools should be better managed, and. that all the benefits should accrue to them which did accrue from a system of inspection. He made a calculation that the number of children of the middle class was 120,000, taking the middle class to repre- sent these with incomes between 1201. and 10001. a year. A right reve- rend prelate had objected that the range was too wide, and suggested 1501. and 5001. a year, and which would show about 80,000 or 90,000 children. The middle class was the class most neglected of all in re- spect to the means of a good education. Men were not allowed to practise as physicians, surgeons, or apothecaries without undergoing a full examination as to their qualifications for the duties they under- took to discharge. Was it less necessary that those who engaged in the task of instructing and training the young should be subjected to some public test of their fitness for their most important vocation ? The Duke of NEWCASTLE expressed his great gratification at the generous acknowledgment which the labours of the Education Coin- mission had received from the two noble Lords who had alluded to them. The noble Duke then proceeded to touch upon the omissions in the report, which Lord Lyttelton had complained of. First, as to the subject of middle-class education, they did not pass it over through not appreciating its importance, but because it cad not come within the scope of their inquiry, which was directed exclusively to elemen- tary education. Mr. Chadwick's recommendation that the school hours should be limited to three hours, and that the remaining three should be devoted to gymnastic exercises and military drill, was passed over for the reason that as there exists in many of our great towns no provision for such exercises, it would not have been becom- ing in the commissioners to have mentioned the subject. As regarded the question of the unregulated trades, there was a bill then before the House which extended existing legislation to lace factories, and bad been introduced with the consent of the manufacturers them- selves, So much for alleged omissions; as for the recommendations of the commission, the principal one was that in favour of an education rate, the reasons for which were the probability of a sudden break- down of the present system, owing to its expense and complicated nature, and its failure to in any way provide for large districts where there was not a single school it assisted. The opinion of the commis- sioners was that the system could not be carried out efficiently under an annual expenditure of 2,100,0001. The danger of the House of Commons, in a fit of economy, reducing the education vote from 2,000,0001 to 1,000,0001., and thusparal) zing the education of the country, was so great as to render it only prudent to provide some more reliable source of income. There were one million nine hundred thousand children now in schools, public and private, totally unassisted by the State, and only nine hundred and seventeen thousand received even the benefit of inspection. The present system failed espe- cially in country parishes with a population of less than six hundred. In Somerset there were two hundred and eighty such parishes, and only one school receiving Government aid. In several other counties the proportion was almost as small. The remedy proposed by the commissioners for this state of things was that schools should be assisted from a county rate, such assistance to be granted only for their maintenance, not for building. The great objection to parochial rating was that under such a system the ratepayers would claim so much of the management of the schools as to involve the religious dif- ficulty, and in order to be effectual, each school must be left under the management of the religious denomination to which it belongs. The proposed county rate would not amount to more than a penny in the pound, and would, the commissioners were convinced, do a great deal to increase the number and raise the character of public schools, as well as induce private schools to avail themselves of the advantages of inspection. The noble Duke concluded by denying in toto, on the part of the commissioners, that they had disregarded religious teaching throughout, as some—he hoped only a few—had asserted. To the best of their judgment, they had made such recommendations on the subject as in their conscience they believed would best attain the desired object.

After a few words from Lords Lyttelton and Brougham, the subject dropped.

House of Commons.

Tan NEW' Fortriow Orrice.—On the motion for going into Com- mittee of Supply, Lord ELCRO revived the often discussed question as to the respective merits of the Gothic and Italian styles of architec- ture, especially with regard to the Foreign Office. The noble Lord said the question before the House was one of importance ; it was whether a large sum of money was about to be expended properly or not. Without positively advocating the claims of the Gothic style for the new Foreign Office, he severely condemned the present design for it, which he said was just as faulty as Lord Palmerston's foreign policy was sound. He concluded by moving a resolution to the effect that it was not desirable that the new Foreign Office should be erected accord- ing to the proposed Palladian design. Mr. Burros (Maidstone) seconded the resolution, and hoped, that as the taste for Palladian architecture was rapidly dying out, Lord Palmerston would consult the wishes of the rising rather than the setting generation. Mr. COWPER defended the adoption of Mr. Scott's design, and said the superiority of Palladian, with regard to convenience and cheapness, was agreed upon, and the association with our past history, which was required in the Houses of Parliament, was not required in the Foreign Office, which ought rather to harmonize with the taste of the day, which he maintained was iu favour of Palladian.

Mr. LAYARD (Southwark) would prefer Gothic, on the ground that it admitted of various colouring, by the introduction of terra cotta, granite, and coloured marbles.

Mr. Tim (Bath) quoted at length from Mr. Ruskin, in support of the proposed style,

Lord JOHN MANNERS (Leicestershire) denied that Gothic buildings could not give as good accommodation as any other. He also adduced several instances in which Gothic designs had lately been adopted for public buildings in large towns. A public Hall of Justice was going to be built at Manchester, and an ultra-Gothic design had received a verdict in its favour not only from the city of Manchester, but from nearly the whole of the county of Lancaster.

After sonic further discussion,

Lord PALMERSTON gave his opinion that in the great battle of the Gothic and Palladian styles, the Gothic had been entirely defeated. Thq,noble 1rd who had spoken last had omitted, when he said the taste of the day was in favour of Gothic, to mention the splendid buildings in the Italian style at Manchester, Liverpool, and -Leeds. Then, the noble lord went further, and saddled on the city of Edin- burgh, the modern Athens, which has adorued the Calton-hill with an imitation of the Parthenon—not being satisfied with the Italian, but going back to the Greek—the imputation of being converted to the Gothic style. Why, air, I call upon every Scotch member to repel that gross calumny. (Loud laughter.) Well, these objections have been made on the ground that these plans have no originality. It is said, in the first place, that Italian—I will not call it Palladian, but the Roman classical style—is not a national style. But is the Gothic national ? I never heard of the Goths, the Vandals, or the Saracens doing much iu this country. I have been told in my early years that the Romans were in this country for a considerable number of years, and it is probable, therefore, that they have better claims to have established in this island a system of architecture that may be con- sidered English than those people who never came here at all. (A laugh.) My noble friend has talked about the real ancient architecture of England. The right honourable gentleman said he thought Stone- henge must be so considered. But I will go further, and say that the real aboriginal architecture of this country was mud huts and wicker wigwams. These were the original styles of those who first inhabited this island When, too, we are told that the Gothic has been practised at certain periods, I reply, so also was the Italian. When we are asked what is our national architecture, we might, I think, inquire who have been our most distinguished architects, and what style they have practised. Well, who were the most distin- guished architects in this country ? One of them was Vanburg,h, who, although it was said of him that he "laid many heavy loads" on earth, yet built in the Roman or Greek style. 'Then we have Sir Christopher Wren and Inigo Jones. They were great men who constructed great work; which to this day excite the admiration of all who behold them. (Hear, hear.) Don't tell me, therefore, that Gothic architecture is the characteristic architecture of this country. If there is one style of architecture more prevalent than another, it is that employed in the castellated mansions which were erected for purposes of defence, and which we now find all over the country. But the reasons why these buildings were erected have ceased to exist, and we may therefore dismiss that style of architecture. The noble Lord told us there was no style that gave so much light as the Gothic. We have heard, hovi- ever, of

" Great windows that exclude the light, And passages that lead to nothing."

That doubtless, was in the Gothic architecture. (A laugh.) After mentioning some of the great public buildings in London, the noble Lord went on to say: "I am afraidof quotnu4 an Italian authority against my noble friend, or I might quote the opinion of Canova, a man versed in the arts, and supposed to be a very good judge. He told me, talking of London, and speaking with Italian hyperbole, "If London were only whitened it would be a real Paradise.' But my noble friend, in- stead of making it a real Paradise, would make it a real—something else (a laugh), with the gloominess lie would scatter over all the town. Go to the Palladian style. My noble friend's great objection is its want of variety. Well, no doubt it is well known that error is infinite and truth is simple. Bad taste is infinite, and good taste is simple, and therefore the Gothic admits of an infinite variety." (Much laughter.) The noble Lord concluded by saying : "I will only now answer the appeal made to me personally by my honourable friend. He has had the kindness to give me credit for some common sense. He said I had lately shown the possession of that quality by going down to Harrow to lay the first stone of a Gothic building there. Well, I think I did show common sense. (Hear, hear.) I am not fond of the Gothic ; but, having been applied to to lay the stone of a Gothic library, the plan of which was approved by the proper authorities, which was in harmony with a Gothic chapel close to which it was to be placed, and also in keeping with old John Lyon's school-house, I waived my objection to the Gothic style in attendance on that occa- sion. (Cheers.) Now, I ask my noble friend and my honourable friend to show the same good sense on this occasion. (Cheers and laughter.) I ask them to waive their prejudices, and agree to lay the first stone of an Italian buildin" and prejudices, am quite sure that when they see that building rise they will have the same feeling that I shall experience when I see this Gothic library—namely, one of great pleasure in having contributed, to its erection." (Loud cheers.)

On a division, the motion condemning the Italian style was nega- tived by_188 to 95. The House then went into Committee of Supply, and a number of votes were agreed to, including one of 30,000/. as a first instahnent of the 200,000/, required for the new Foreign Office. House ouse then resumed, and considered the report on the Appro- priation of Seats Bill.

An amendment, moved by Mr. Cowart (Knaresborough) to sub- stitute Wakefield for Pontefract, as the place of election for the South division of the West Riding, was carried against Government by 107 to 94, and the bill was ordered to be read a third time.

Other bills were forwarded a stage and the House adjourned.

TUESDAY, JULY 9.

House of Lords.

The Poor Assessments Bill (Scotland) was read a second time after some discussion.

EAST INDIA COUNCIL BILL.—Earl DE GREY AND RIPON moved the second reading of this bill, of which he explained the object and pro- visions at some length. The Earl of ELLENBOROUGH said the measure then before them had been rendered necessary by the defects of the Act of 1853, which in remedying acknowledged evils, had gone beyond the necessities of the case. An undoubted error was committed by Parliament in framin,,,,, that bill, by introducing into the Council too much of what is called the judicial element. Still greater grievances had arisen from the error of the Governor General in Council converting what was in- tended to be merely an extended Cabinet into an appearance of a Parliament. A still more serious error was opening the deliberations of that Council to the public. These errors certainly required altera- tion, but it was doubtful whether the Council proposed in lieu of the one condemned by this bill would be in any way superior. The bill provides that the Governor-General should have power to appoint from six to twelve additional members to the Council. H he committed the error of having an enlarged Council, he was certain to find himself in a minority, and a minority for which there was no re- dress, he not having the power, which ought to reside in every iGovern- ment, of dissolving an assembly which is acting against the interests of the people. The noble Lord concluded by repeating an opinion he had previously expressed in that House, to the effect that the Governor-General would do well to recur to the advice of what would here be called a Privy Council, there a Durbar, a consultative assembly composed of the most influential and distinguished people of all classes in the land. He was convinced that the only way to govern India was to govern it primarily for India, and in conformity with the opinions, feelings, pre- judices, and customs of the people of India, and he objected altogether to the general principle of this bill because it had not that object in view.

The Duke of ARGYLL said that Lord Ellenborough had greatly crated the effect which the changes proposed in the bill were to produce. He assured him there was little danger, even if

like the Governor-General were sometimes placed in a minority in the in- creased Council, of there not being an ample majority of those who wished to see India governed in the spirit of the Queen's proclamation. The independent members, representing the commercial community, would always be in a small minority. He entirely agreed that it would be a most dangerous thing if there was any possibility of the Governor-General being overmatched by the class which represented the spirit of the commercial community. A clause in the bill, however, gave the Governor-General power to overrule the decisions of the Council, and pass an ordinance which would have the force of law for six mouths.

Loyd EYVEDEN admitted that some legislation had been rendered necessary by the erroneous construction put upon the Act of 1853 by Lord Dalhousie. The difficulty which the Government had to deal with arose from the Legislative Council having assumed powers which were not intended to be given to it, and having made speeches and gone into discussions which were not convenient. The chief object of this bill seemed to be to do away with the greatest inconvenience of all—Sir Barnes Peacock. The noble Lord then stated some of his objections to the bill. "By this bill both representation and publicity would be done away with. There was nothing in the bill to compel the Governor-General to take representatives of the various presiden- cies into his Council—he might select all his Council from one presi- dency if he chose. As to publicity, while it was left in reference to the proceedings of the Councils of Madras and Bombay, it was taken away with regard to the that Legislative Council of Calcutta. It was scarcely to be expected that the Indian public would acquiesce in that. You might just as well shut the doors of the House of Commons and tell the people here to be satisfied with having the debate of the Com- mon Council to read. It was idle to attempt to limit the subject to be discussed by the local Councils. While there were men in them of equal ability to those who sat in the Calcutta Council, they would break through all rules and would discuss any questions of public interest.they chose to take. He agreed with the noble Earl who had brought in this bill, that representation in these Councils was impos- sible, because it was impossible to give it in the natives' ; but on the selection of natives the recommendation of a petition recently pre, sented to the other House might be deserving of consideration, that the natives selected should be nominated by some delegation of natives. He saw no reason why some words should not be introduced into the Act to the effect that a certain number of the members of the Council should be natives. General words had been introduced into the Act of 1833 and other Acts, to the effect that natives should be admitted to all offices, but notwithstanding the natives had been passed over np to this time. He was, therefore, very anxious to see some peremptory clause introduced for this purpose. Another evil which he wished to point out was that, as he understood, the Governor of Bombay or Madras was, ex necessitate, to succeed the Governor-General. Now, these persons might not be selected for the same object ; they might not have the same scope of mind ;.and therefore it would be well, he thought, to take care that the senior member of Council was an effi- cient man, or to provide a provisional Governor-General." He con- cluded by expressing his satisfaction that Lord Canning would be en- trusted with the task of carrying into effect the provisions of the bill. He feared, however, the bill would increase rather than diminish the evils in the way of any future Governor-General. The Earl of DERBY thought that great weight owht to be attached to the observations of Lord Ellenborough, who could speak with au- thority and from experience. He did not, however, apprehend much danger of the Governor-General being outvoted in the Council, but thought the great evil was the Council assuming the position of a little mock parliament, wholly unsuited to the circumstances of India. He also wished to ask what would be the distinction as to publicity be- tween the Council in its legislative and executive capacities, which

i o was a int of great importance.

Lor GRANVILLE replied that in its executive capacity, the discus- sions of the Council would not be public.

The bill was then read a second time, and the House adjourned.

House of Commons.

IRREMOVABLE POOR Br:Ex.—The House resumed the consideration of this bill in Committee.

On Clause 9 being again proposed,

Sir BROOK BRIDGES (Kent) opposed the clause, on the ground that it would increase the area of rating, and would tend to do away with the parochial system. The amendment proposed by Mr. Sorweaoar ESTCOURT (Wilt- shire) on Friday, was then put. It provided that the assessment on which the contributions to the common fund should be rated should consist of the ordinary parochial assessment, with an addition to the assessment of each parish of a sum equal in pounds sterling to the amount in numbers of the population of such parish at the last census.

Lord HANLEY (Northampton) opposed the amendment, which, he said would encourage landlords to evict poor out of their parishes.

Mr. ADDERLEY also 'spoke against the amendment. The check pro- posed by his right honourable friend would sometimes act against the object he had in view. For example, if there were two adjoining parishes, one small, and only containing rich landowners, and the other large, but composed solely of poor, the latter would pay largely, while the rich one would escape payment almost altogether. Mr. CAYLEY (North Riding) and Colonel Parma Lancashire) objected strongly to the clause, as being the thin end of t e wedge for the introduction of union rating. Mr. WALTER (Berkshire) said the objections of Mr. Cayley and Colonel Patten were the very grounds on which he supported the clause. He had paid a great deal of attention to this subject, and believed that union rating was the only fair and equitable system, and the one at which they must arrive. Nothing was arbitrary or so irrational as the merely ecclesiastical division of parishes. He held that whatever the area of management was, that should be the area of rating also.

After some more discussion, the amendment was negatived by 137 to 100.

An amendment, proposed by Sir J. PAKINGTON (Droitwich), to exempt extra parochial places from the operation of the clause, was under discussion when ten minutes to four arrived, and the sitting was suspended. At the evening sitting, Mr. B. Coen-Luca (Honiton) called attention to the grievances of the naval officers on the reserved list, and gave a summary of the services of several of them, who he considered were most unjustly treated, by being, after long and arduous service thrown aside on a pittance of ls. 6d. a day. The question he wisheJ to be solved was, whether these officers, when they accepted the con- ditions of the Orders in Council of 1851, did not understand that they were to rise paripassu with officers on the active list. Lord C. Paget himself had admitted that the Order in Council was ambigu- ously worded. He concluded by moving that the case of these officers should be referred to the Attorney-General for his opinion. Lord C. PAGET denied that the Admiralty of that day had ever ad- mitted that it was the intention of the Order in Council that the officers in question should risepari_passu with those on the active list. The honourable member had himself given the best possible argument against his own motion when he quoted the opinion of Mr. Lush that it was not a matter for legal cognizance. On a division the motion was defeated by 60 to 33. SUPPLY.—The House then went into Committee of Supply, and a great number of Civil Service votes were agreed to.

The House having resumed, the East India Civil Service Bill and the Appropriation of Seats Bill were read a third time and passed. The Municipal Corporation Act Amendment Bill was passed through committee, and the House adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, JULY 10.

House of Commons.

FICTITIOUS SAVINGS BANKS BILL—Sir F. BARING (Portsmouth) moved that the House should go into Committee on this bill, the object

of which is to determine the state of the law with regard to those establishments, which style themselves "Savings Banks," without having complied with the Government Savings Banks regulations. Mr. FORSTER (Bradford) feared that the operation of the bill would extend further than its advocates intended, and that the establishment of numerous really philanthropic and beneficial institutions, such as "Penny Savings Banks," or savings banks provided by masters for their own workmen, would by this bill be made an offence, punishable as a misdemeanour, and he concluded by moving that the bill be com- mitted that day three months.

Mr. BAINES (Leeds), Mr. HENLEY (Oxfordshire), and Mr. BAXTER (Montrose), all gave notice of their intention to oppose the bill unless Sir F. Baring would consent to the insertion of words limiting its application to those banks established "for the purpose of profit to the shareholders and managers," thereby excepting the hundreds and thousands of penny banks which were now connected with almost every mechanics' institution and every village school. Mr. HUBBARD (Buckingham) supported the bill, thinking the evil was so great as to call for immediate legislation.

Mr. DENT (Scarborough) objected to Government assuming to themselves the exclusive use of the fascinating title of " Savings Banks," without incurring a full responsibility for all money deposited in those institutions, and at the same time deny to others the right to call those banks by that name. Sir G. C. Lewis thought it was going too far in the direction of penal legislation to give Government a monopoly of the title " Savings Banks," to make it a misdemeanour for any one else to establish a Savings Bank and call it by that name, unless there was evidence of a fraudulent intent, that is to say, if an attempt was made to produce an impression that the bank was a Government one.

Sir F. BARING said he had been under the delusion that he had brought this measure in with the approbation of Government. A similar measure had been introduced both this year and last into the House of Lords, and the noble lords representing the Government then had expressed their approbation of it. He had communicated with the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject, and the right hon. gentleman had wished him to go on with the bill. As, how ever, Sir G. Lewis had declared against him, he knew it was hopeless to go on, and he must beg leave to withdraw the bill. Sir (1 LEWIS said he had not been aware that the measure had been supported by any members of the Government. He had only spoken as an individual member of the House, without wishing to bring Go- vernment influence to bear upon the question.

The bill was then withdrawn.

CHURCH RATES LAW AMENDMENT BILL (Mr. Hubbard's). On the order of the day for the second reading of this bill, Mr. HunnAan (Buckingham) recapitulated its chief provisions. A short conversation then took place, in the course of which, Mr. DUNCOMBE (Finsbury) and Mr. CoNINGEAK (Brighton) expressed their belief that the Dissenters would not agree to any compromise, and on the other hand Sir J. TRELAWNEY (Tavistock) said he was always open to a fair settlement of the question.

The order of the day for the second reading was then discharged. VACCINATION Bun.—On the motion that the House resolve into Committee on this bill,

Mr. T. DUNCOMBE (Finsbury) moved that the bill be committed that day three months. He said the bill was one of great importance to the poorer classes, and a breach of faith on the part of Government, who had previously promised that no compulsory legislation should take place on the subject until a Parliamentary inquiry had taken ,place. Mr. Lows adduced statistics to show the efficacy of vaccination as a specific against small-pox. From 1837 to 1810, the deaths from small-pox were 12000 a year; in 1840, vaccination by the Poor Law Boards was established, and the annual average fell to 5200 from that year to 1853. In 1853 the compulsory law came into operation; in 1851the deaths sank to 2808. In the next year they sank still lower, amounting only to 2525. From that time to this, they bad gradually increased, owing to the act having fallen into desuetude. Small-pox fell in its most fatal form on children under five, but children vacci- nated, however imperfectly, scarcely ever have the disease under that age. In answer to a circular sent from his office in 1857, 537 of the most eminent medical men of this country and foreign parts gave their opinion that vaccination conferred a great exemption from small- pox, was almost an absolute security against death from that disease, and rendered people less susceptible of other diseases. Only two answers were to a contrary effect. Out of 1000 people who took the small-pox without having been vaccinated, 350 died • if badly vacci- nated, 150; but if effectually vaccinated, only 5. With these facts before them, he could not think it his duty to accede to the request of the honourable member for Finsbury.

The amendment was then negatived, and the bill passed through Committee.

METROPOLITAN LOCAL MANAGEMENT ACTS AMENDMENT BILL: Mr. TITE (Bath) moved the second reading of this bill, which gives extended powers to the Board of Works. Mr. LOcKE (Southwark) objected to a bill of such great importance to the interest of 3,000,000 of her Majesty's subjects being brought forward at that time of year, and in such a thin House. The honour- able member was proceeding with his objection to the bill when a quarter to six arrived, and the House adjourned.

THURSDAY, JULY lint.

House of Commons.

EDUCATION ComnsmoN.—Sir JOHN PAKINGTON (Droitwich) wished made when the sitting was suspended at four o'clock,

to know how far it was the intention of Government to adopt the recommendations contained in there port of the Education Commis- sion. The honourable baronet briefly reviewed the legislation, and attempted legislation, of the last eight years on the subject, and stated the reasons which induced him, in 1858, to move for the appointment

of a commission to inquire into the subject of education. The reasons assigned by the noble inquire opposite (J. Russell) and himself to prove

the necessity for legislation or to inquiry with a view to legislation, were, firstly, that, notwithstanding the Privy Council system, largo masses of the people of this country were in a state of most deplorable ignorance. 'They next urged that large districts of the country were supplied either with very inefficient schools or with no schools at all. They urged, thirdly, the early age at which the children left sehooL They urged, fourthly, that which they were now also strongly pre- pared to recommend, namely, the indispensable necessity for some local agency in aid of the central educational establishment. Fifthly and lastly, they urged the impossibility of the system now ad- ministered by the Privy Council ever becoming so extended as to meet the requirements of the country. It was, however, only on a division on which his motion was carried that the Education Commission was appointed which had lately reported. It was, of course, satisfactory to him to find that every one of the five grounds that had induced the noble Lord opposite and himself to some change in our educational system had been fully and comple

confirmed. by the report of the Education Commissioners. Hu, and those who advocated the same views as himself, had never denied the

merits of the Privy Council system, but had always contended for

what was one of the principal recommendations of the commission, a supplementary system. They, it was true, suggested that recourse

should be had to a county rate, whereas he, on more than one occa- sion, had expressed himself in favour of a parochial rate. Which of the two it was most desirable to adopt he should not at that moment stop to discuss; suffice it to say, that the principle involved was the same—local inspection and control, and the assistance of local funds. He looked with great regret on the reduction of the vote for reforma- tories, believing that it was a most unfortunate retrenchment, even in the point of view of economy in the saving of children from crime. He strongly objected to the sum of 100,0001. for the cultivation of science and art which they would be called upon to vote that evening, not in itself, but because it was accompanied by a virtual declaration that the country could no longer afford the necessary amount for the education of those who were too poor to educate themselves. He concluded by expressing his deep sense of the fairness and ability of the report, and hoping that lie should receive an assurance from Government of their intention to propose such legislation on the sub- ject at no distant day as they thought the case required.

Mr. HENLEY (Oxfordshire) expressed his dissent from the conclu- sions which the commissioners had arrived at on several points,.and

also from Sir J. Pakington's observations on the report. He especially objected to the county rate proposed by the commissioners, the intro- duction of which, he believed, would prove totally destructive of the present Privy Council system, and by throwing all the educational management ,into the hands of the ratepayers, would, in the end, introduce a purely secular system. He approved, however, of the passage in the report which gave a description of what a schoolmaster should be, and deprecated the present training system, which he thought was far from producing the class of schoolmasters who were best fitted to impart elementary education to children. The House then went into Committee of Supply.

EDUCATION ESTIMATES.—Mr. LOWE stated the intentions of Go- vernment with regard to providing remedies for some of the acknow- ledged deficiencies of the present system.

After a long discussion the vote was agreed to, as also were several others of a similar character.

The Salmon and Trout Fisheries Bill then was passed through Com- mittee, and the House adjourned.