BOOKS.

THE GRE VILLE MEMOIRS.—SECOND PART.*

FSECOND NOTICE.]

HAVING in our first notice sketched Mr. Greville himself, and called attention to his masterly portraits of other people, we proceed to examine the account to be found in these diaries of his own share in certain public affairs with which he connected himself. It must occur to every one that those who had known him longest, or who had reached by their own powers the highest places in the State, were not those who confided in him implicitly. Sir Robert Peel, Lord Palmerston, and Lord Aber- deen only imparted to him their views partially ; while Lord Clarendon, the Duke of Bedford, his brother, and Sir James Graham trusted in him to the fullest extent. It is also plain that Mr. Greville had no idea of the active forces which were, or were destined to be, brought into play. There is not a word in these pages of the slave question in America, of German or Italian unity, or about the Polish or Hungarian aspirations.

The first diplomatic question in which be meddled was the Egyptian invasion of Syria in 1840. In this he makes himself the month-piece of the quidnuncs, who then, as now, pervaded London society. Madame de Lieven, Mr. Edward Ellice, Lord Holland, and the economists threw the same impediments in the way of Lord Palmerston as the Jingoes lately threw in the way of Lord Granville's peace policy, and with nearly the same results,—that is, they rendered the due and efficient carrying out of the intentions of the Foreign Minister difficult to Lord Palmer- ston, as they made it impossible to Lord Granville. As a sketch of the club and coterie intrigues of the hour, the tale told by Mr. Greville is incomplete ; we think that Mr. Reeve, if he had liked, might have supplemented it by farther details. We have always understood that English mancenvres at Paris, encouraged by Lord Holland, were the cause of the signature of the Con-

• A Journal of the Reign of Queen Vieforia, from 1837 to 1852. By the late Charles C. F. Greville, E,q., Clerk or the Council. London : Longusans and Co. vention of 1840, without the adhesion of France. M. Guizot, then Ambassador in London, warned M. Thiers that Lord Palmerston would sign the Treaty ; but Mr. Ellice, at Paris, told M. Thiers that he had the authority of a member of the Cabinet, Lord Holland, that, come what might, the Treaty should not be signed. When that act was accomplished, M. Guizot wondered that his information had not been believed, while M. Thiers wondered that Lord Holland had led him astray. Games of this kind are all very well as long as only one side plays at them ; but while Mr. Ellice was conveying what turned out to be erroneous information to M. Thiers, other people were giving Lord Palmerston that which turned out to be true information from Paris. Even Mr. Henry Greville writes from thence," that the King, though acting in apparent unison with M. Thiers, would have no scruple in resisting the course of policy in which Thiers is embarked, if he could count on the support of the country in his own pacific views." Mr. Greville admits that his informants and associates were all of the anti-Palmerstonian interest—Holland House, Lord Clarendon, M. Dedel (who objects to the form more than the fond), and Madame de Lieven. Both Lord Clarendon and Lord Holland were "80 vehemently committed in opposition to Palmerston's course, that it was not in human nature that they should not find a sort of satisfaction in the frustration of the measures they had so strenuously resisted." Next, we have M. Guizot coming to confide in Mr. Greville, and saying to him that it was no use speaking to Palmerston, because he was so confi- dent of two things,—one was that the Pasha of Egypt would yield, and the other that Louis Philippe would not go to war. The Pasha, who was less well informed than Lord Palmerston as to Louis Philippe's firmness, did not yield, but the King did ; war was avoided as far as France was con- cerned, and the Pasha's son was driven out of Syria. For the remainder of the time during which this question was open, Mr. Greville's journal is full of complaints, all, no doubt, from the same quarters, of Lord Palmerston's insolence, insouciance, &c.; and Mr. Greville himself adds to the confusion by informing M. Guizot (Vol. I., p. 317) that he "had no- hesitation in saying that war was impossible, and that a transaction must take place, because there were others in the Cabinet "—meaning the Holland House set and Lord John himself—" who were resolved not to pursue any longer this course of policy ; and that if Palmerston was inexorable, he must resign." Such an assurance from such an authority con- firmed the hopes of the French, and gave Lord Palmerston the delay he wished to have, while Lord Ponsonby and the Fleet were acting. After reviewing the whole of these transactions with the light afforded by public papers and private memoirs, it is impossible not to see what risks were ran in consequence of amateur diplomatists and intriguers carrying unauthorised assurances to foreign Governments. The whole thing ends in a complete triumph for Lord Palmerston, a victory over the Pasha, the resignation of M. Thiers, news of which arrived just at the moment when Lord John considered the conduct of ,Lord Palmerston past endurance, and had for that reason determined to resign.

The change of Government then having taken place, the whole object of Sir Robert Peel was to neutralise the- vigorous policy by more peaceful methods of negotiation. Lord Palmerston became, more especially on all foreign questions, the leader of the Opposition. So much is Mr. Greville a chronicler of daily reports that he inserts in one chapter an account of the English Government having discovered in their own archives a map justifying the American view of the Maine boundary question ; and waits till another chapter to relate how, in point of fact, the Americans were in possession, not of a map, but of the map which Franklin himself had marked with a boundary line corresponding precisely with our claim. This fact was brought out by the publication of the proceedings in the secret session of the Senate at Washington, when the Treaty was ratified. Lord Ashburton told Mr. Greville that "it was very fortunate that this map and letter did not turn up in the course of his negotiation ; for if they had, there would have been no Treaty at all, and eventually a scramble, a scuffle, and probably a war." The whole of this disgraceful proceeding on the part of Mr. Webster and the American Government is described in Grattan's Civilised America.

A short passage in the journal of the year 1843 is the only indication of Mr. Greville's acquaintance with the desires of the German people, which subsequently had so prodigious an effect on the recasting of the map of Europe. A Captain de Porbeck, an officer in the Army of Baden, whom Mr. Greville calls "a well-conditioned man," gave him some scraps of information about "what may be called German politics," for which he was not prepared. This includes the desire to make Germany nation, to merge the petty States in one or two great Powers, -and to have Colonies and a Navy. "Whether there is truth in all this, or these are my friend's reveries, I know not ; bat as I had never beard of these aspirations, I was struck with what be told me."

The great actors in the political world of that day—namely, Sir Robert Peel, Louis Philippe, and Lord Palmerston—were now approaching the turning-points of their great careers. Sir Robert Peel was about to break with his party for ever ; the price which he had to pay for his Free-trade legislation was the resignation of office, which he had held combined with real power for five years, and the only obstacle to the restoration of the Whig Government was the objection to Lord Palmerston as Foreign Minister. All the particulars of the abortive attempt of Lord John Russell to form a Government in 1845 are told by Mr. Greville, and it only then appeared how strong a combination there was against the great English Foreign Minister. This combination consisted of the financial world of London and Paris, of a large number of his own old Cabinet colleagues, of the King and his Minister in Paris, and last, not least, of the rising power, which had now to be counted with, namely, the Prince Consort and the Court. The Prince Consort was still very young ; but his acquirements and his possession of the thread of all affairs already marked him out as the Queen's adviser upon all State questions.

Mr. Reeve inserts a letter of his own from Paris, of Decem- ber 20th, 1845, in which he quotes the opinion of M. Roth- schild to the following effect:—" Lord Palmerston est un ami de la maison ; il dine chez nous h Francfort, mais il a rincon- venient de faire baisser les fonds en toute l'Europe sans none en avertir." The letter further states that the King's repugnance to Palmerston is insurmountable—he speaks of him as " rennemi de ma maison ;" that the haute ban que is in con- sternation at the idea of his return to office ; and that M. Guizot, at a party at Madame de Lieven's, was really agitated when describing the effect that return would have upon his country and party.

Lord Palmerston made an endeavour to do away with this feeling by visiting Paris and seeing the King and all the public men. Within a very few days of his return to office, the French Government managed to accuse him of fomenting a disturbance by a despatch which he wrote, and in which, in reciting the names of the candidates for the hand of the Queen of Spain, he placed that of the Prince of Coburg first. From this sprung the Spanish marriages, into which very dirty affair Mr. Greville threw himself heart and soul. He was essentially a true and just man ; and therefore, although, through his prejudice against Lord Palmerston, he would have been ready to accept the arguments of Madame de Lieven, M. Guizot, and M. de Jarnao, all of whom did their utmost to convert him by showing him every paper, public and private, he ended by coming to the conclusion that we had "been jockeyed by France in a very shabby, uncandid, underhand way." Further, he at once sees the risk which Louis Philippe ran in respect to his own people, in having preserved the entente cordiale with England when national interests were at stake, and sacrificed it for the sake of obtaining a wealthy bride for his son. Mr. Greville then determined to go to Paris; and although he did not get any instructions either from Lord Palmerston or from Lord John, he was to stay with Lord Normanby and plunge into the matter as much as he liked. The description of this visit to Paris is one of the best things in the book ; all the Ministerialists wish to defend themselves, and M. Thiers was anxious to make the most of the opportunity to throw dirt upon M. Guizot. The account of the interview with the former is admirably told. He prophesied that if M. Guizot had the worst of the encounter with Lord Palmerston, "he would fall, not, how- -ever, by the desertion of the majority, not by this Chamber, but by the King :"—

" 'Yon must not,' said he, believe what you hear of the strength of the Government and of its security. Don't believe all Madame de Lieven tells you ; she is a chatterbox, a story-teller, and a fool. You knew her very well ; you were her lover, were you not?' ' He then said he would tell me what would happen. The King was under the delusion that the Whig Government could not stand, but when he found out his mistake be would get in a fright, and if England con- tinued to refuse to be reconciled, he would get rid of Guint." Do you know what the King is ? the word is an ugly one, but you will

understand it. Well, he is a coward.' I said I was surprised to hear this, for we thought he was a man of mirage, and had given proofs of it very often. No, no,' said be, 'I tell you he's a coward ; and as soon as he finds himself definitely at loggerheads with you, he will begin to create troubles for Guizot. There are forty or fifty men in the Chamber who will turn against him, and in that manner he will fall, not by the Chamber nor by you.' Thiera spoke for a consider- able time in this sense, and ended by saying that as long as the King was in no danger, he would never send for him ; as soon as he was, he would send for him."

There was a great deal of truth in this prediction. Mr. Greville endeavours to persuade Lord Normanby, with whom he was staying, not to show papers to the leaders of the Opposi- tion, and on one occasion not to go to M. Thiers's salon, on the plea that "all his communications with him and others were noted, reported, and much resented." No doubt they were so; but it did not appear to have occurred to Mr. Greville that it was qnite as fair for Lord Normanby to work against M. Guizot, as it was for the French Embassy in London to undermine Lord Palmerston. Neither does it occur to him that while the Times was doing its utmost in favour of the views of Lord Aberdeen, it was quite right for Lord Palmerston to use his organ, the Morning Chronicle, to defend his conduct. The last night he is at Paris, M. There again attacks him for believing all that Madame de Lieven tells him ; he said Mr. Greville was " une eponge hemp& dans le liquide de Madame de Lieven," and enjoined him to "tell Lord Palmerston when he speaks to say beaucoup de bien de la France et beauconp de mal de M. Guizot.'" After his return from Paris, Mr. Greville continues to take the greatest interest in foreign policy, as he understood it,—that is, he makes the most of all the errors of " form " into which Lord Palmerston or Lord Normanby happened to fall, without apparently having the remotest conception of the fond of affairs. While Lord Palmerston is writing letters showing that Austria has no right in Italy at all, and that the best thing the Austrian Government can do is to get out of that peninsula (see his life by Mr. Ashley), Mr. Greville records all sorts of things about his not congratulating Comte Colloredo about Radetzky's victories and suchlike trifles.

During the whole of Lord John Russell's Government, Mr. Greville was in constant correspondence with the Duke of Bedford, who wrote, we believe, every day to his brother. In home affairs during this period the brothers made use. of Mr. Greville in an attempt to unite the Peelites with the Whigs, and especially to obtain the accession of Sir James Graham. The weaker sides of the character of Sir James and Lord John are delineated in these volumes with a masterly hand, not in one page, but dotted about in various parts of the work. That of Lord John in the year 1845, when he is nervously conscious of Peel's superiority ; and that of Sir James when, although in Parliamentary strength and admini- strative experience one of the first men in the country, he was too deficient in moral courage to join the Whigs, then in power, and found the most feeble excuses for that refusal.

Lord John's Government lasted five years. The strong men in it were Lord Grey and Lord Palmerston. Most of the members of it were related to each other, were about the same age, and of the same set in society. Lord Palmerston was somewhat older and more isolated in his way of looking at things. When Louis Philippe was dethroned, the English Court forgave him for the Spanish marriages, and he and his surroundings again became one of the: factors which counted

against Lord Palmerston. In 1850 and 1851, these were, the Prince Consort—who could not get the Minister to agree with him about Germany—the clubs of London, all the fetchers and carriers, the men called the " Burgraves" of Paris, the Ministers

of every Court in Europe, and some of his own colleagues. There is not a word in these pages of the grand principle on which the Foreign Minister was acting in the advice he gave to European Governments :—" Be moderate:in your reaction ; we cannot go all lengths with you ; we had no revolution here, and we will not join with you in your reaction."

At last the blow came which destroyed the strong position of Lord Palmerston, and shortly after the feeble Government of Lord John. The immediate cause of his dismissal was too absurd to hold water for a moment. That he should have been dismissed for holding language to a French Ambassador in conversation which differed slightly from a despatch authorised by the Cabinet, and not at all from the opinions verbally expressed by his three most important colleagues, was in- credible ; it even takes Mr. Greville's breath away. In all these Cabinet disputes, it is implied that Lord Lansdowne was among those who disapproved of Lord Palmerston. If he did, it can only have been a disapproval of his methods, because he wrote, the moment after the important event, a letter concluding with these words, which seem to us to sum up all that can be said on the matter :—

"What I wish, however, chiefly to say to you on this occasion is, that not only have I approved of every essential act daring your administration of foreign affairs at the time but that there is not one with respect to which, upon subsequent reflection, I should wish to recall my approbation. Your policy will never, while you live, want the ablest of all defenders; but whether in or out of office, I can never hear it impugned in public or in private without expressing my conviction and admiration of its great ability and real consistency with the interests and, above all, the honour of the country.—Yours truly, LANSDOWNE." (Life of Lord Palmerston, by Hon. Evelyn Ashley.)

The King of the French and Sir Robert Peel were now both dead; Lord Palmerston was at once recognised as a power in the country with which Princes and democratic leaders alike had to reckon. From the hour of his dismissal to the day of his death he occupied a position of strength, both Parlia- mentary and European, which no man has since enjoyed in England. It is such a power as Lord Salisbury desires to obtain. We are all sceptically waiting to see whether he is destined to secure it.

This middle series of the Greville Memoirs will, we think, be the most interesting of the whole three, not because the period included in it was most full of incident, but because we doubt whether Mr. Greville's influence and knowledge of events was as complete in his declining years as they had previously been. He was, to a certain extent, a middleman between politicians and

a portion of the Press, especially the Times. Afterwards it became more their habit to communicate directly with those engaged in

public writing than it had been in Mr. Greville's earlier days.

It may also be said that after his contemporaries began to retire, the next generation were less inclined to afford him in- formation than the older men had been. His deafness and other infirmities also increased, which naturally accounted for his not hearing so much of what was passing. The first volumes have been already more quoted than any other memoirs, and those under notice will be found a still richer mine for writers whose lot it may be to deal with the annals of the time comprised in them.