NEWS OF THE WEEK.
IMPATIENT as the public may be to learn the total destruction of Sebastopol, and the complete attainment of all our objects by the "glorious victory," we really shall have to wait some days before we can learn anything from that quarter at all ; and we must be prepared for any event, whether it square with our wishes or not. The time has not yet arrived when the wisest or the most "Eng- lish" Government can absolutely secure the disposal of events; still less when newspaper-caterers, however diligent, can ascertain the decrees of the future. We must, therefore, manage to do without Sebastopol for some days longer. As we must content ourselves, too, with that negative which winter usually puts upon the active prosecution of warfare, and especially at sea, we must view the return of the marine and land forces from the Baltic without at once assuming that any purpose is abandoned, or that our Government, united with that of France, has treacherously betrayed the cause of European law to the Emperor of Russia.
If one thing is more certain than another throughout the peat history of the operations undertaken by France and England, it is, -that the plans actually contemplated have never been publicly explained beforehand. The action has been as much news for the people in France and England as in the place attacked. On each occasion, let us also note, the means employed have proved suffi: cientlor the purpose in hand. We are not to suppose that a total change has come over the councils of France and England ; and it is a reasonable presumption, that on the retirement of the fleets from the Baltic, all necessary precautions will be taken to prevent the egress of the Russians. A sufficient portion of the combined fleets might be left behind, stationed where it could intercept any issuing ssuing by the Sound. When the Baltic is no longer tenable for any ships it may be left to the exclusive enjoyment of Russians. More, probably, will be gained in the spring, by now recalling the fleets to a suitable refuge, than by retaining them in an inclement and alien sea, to contend rather against the ele- ments and the climate than against a mortal foe ; for it must be remembered that the fleets comprise seamen as well as ships, and that it is bad generalship to waste your men. In the diplomatic as well as the military field, the intelligence is chiefly though not entirely negative. The most important in- terests which this country has at stake in the present position of affairs remain without material alteration. Our enemies appear, by their published documents, to be as hostile as ever, and as un- con uered at heart; but our friends appear to be as firm and as frank in their cooperation. We now have, in a more complete form, the Russian reply to the Austrian and Prussian notes, which supported, but so differently, the four conditions laid down by the Western Powers as preliminary to any negotiations for peace. We already knew that this reply conveys the entire refusal of Russia to negotiate upon such bases; but that Power is now willing to negotiate upon the protocol of Vienna of the 9th April. Russia is faithful to her principle of always being willing to come to terms upon the stage which has passed. She was willing not to cross the Danube, when she was called upon to recross the Pruth; she has recrossed the Pruth, when she is summoned to give new guarantees for a better observance of peace and good faith; and when she is driven to some still further stage, she will probably be willing to accept the four conditions that she now refuses. At present she sees in the coalition that Austria has joined, the purpose of " humiliating Russia "; in the conditions demanded by the Four Powers, the intended "de- struction of the establishments of the Russian marine and the power of Russia in the Black Sea "; she complains that the
Western Powers reserve the right to make further conditions besides those four; and she remarks, that Austria, in place of repaying the "immense sacrifices" which she owes to Russia, hai drawn closer her alliance with "the enemies of Russia." To ac- quiescence in the four conditions, therefore, Nicholas prefers an experiment on "the eventualities of war, in order to arrive at some solid basis of negotiations for peace." For the moment, however, the interest of the scene transfers itself to that usually unimportant body the Diet of the Ger- man States at Frankfort. Here a contest is going on between Austria and Prussia, who are respectively seeking to secure the adherence of other German Governments to the courses which they have severally taken. Austria remains faithful to the course which she had marked out from the first—a general vindication of European law against encroachment. Prussia has departed from the quadruple alliance, and in a recent note to the Diet she first distinctly marks her actual position. She here asserts, that while the occupation of the Principalities did not immediately imply a calms belli, their evacuation debars the German States from de- claring war upon Russia because she refuses the four conditions of the Western Powers. Moreover, while Prussia considers Russia as having satisfied present necessities, she positively objects to the conditions exacted by the Western Powers, and particularly "finds great difficulties in realizing the project of a common protectorate over the Principalities." She therefore cannot recommend to her German allies to accede to the four cohditions of the Western, Powers. In other words, at the Council of the German States, Prussia appears in opposition both to Austria and to France and. England. This, then, is the first occasion on which Prussia has openly appeared as an antagonist of the Three Powers.
The most interesting of these documents, however, which in themselves constitute the greatest public acts reported in the jour- nals this week, is the draught of questions addressed by Aus- tria to the German Diet. The object of the paper is apparent in its text. It is, to lay before the Bund the exact points at issue ; and if the representative put those points in the form of interroga- tories, the reason, no doubt, was, that it is a form which permits a clear statement in the least offensive mode. By asking the Diet, categorically, a series of distinct questions, seeking a reply in the affirmative, Austria virtually declares that she her- self considers her occupation of the Principalities protective of. German interests ; that Prussia is bound by ise protocol of April 20th to stand by her; that the four points on which she has engaged herself are precisely the guarantees which Germany would require ; that, in fact, she has anticipated what ought to be the wishes of the Diet ; that if she be attacked in consequence, the German States ought to assist in her defence ; that it is the interest of Germany to acknowledge this state of things unequivo- cally; and that if the Confederation were silent, it would lose its place in "European importance." Now this is the last act which is reported to us on the part of Austria, and we hold it to mark the persevering consistency of her course. If any sound states- man in London or Paris had set himself to define the right position of Austria, he could not have done it with more distinct exactness.
