MR. S. GWYNN, M.P., "PRO DOMO SUS."
[TO TIM EDITOR Or TUB .SPICCrA.TOR:'.1
Six,—Mr. S. Gwynn, M.P. for Galway Borough, the versatile colleague of Mr. Ginnell, M.P., writes as enthusiastically about the rule of priests as the driving of cattle. His bright example is Father Peter Dooley of Galway, "quern honcrris causa nomino," says Mr. Gwynn (Spectator, February 15th).
Mr. Gwynn is recorded in the journals of the day as having been chosen "National candidate" for Galway at a meeting of "priests and people" presided over by Father Peter Dooley on behalf of the Bishop, and as having been elected by the " faithful peasants " marched to the polls beaded by parish priest and curate. Honoris causa ! Mr. Gwynn forgets; in
his grateful emotion, to observe that he has supported, instead of weakening, the statements in "Paraguay on Shannon." He admits, in fact, that " the one really bright spot" in the misery of Galway is a woollen mill and hosiery factory conducted by priests, and paying " 15 per cent. profit"! That is the universal story in Ireland, at least in Roman Catholic Ireland. No industrial undertaking makes even far, far less than Father Peter Dooley's " profit of 15 per cent." unless it is controlled by priests. In the hands of the priests the factory, the loan- bank, complete the absolute dependence of the people.
Employment in the clerical factory, loans from the clerical bank, are all the more fiercely fought for in the absence of lay rivals. But the all-powerful priests do not canvass for lay rivals. They direct the tide of custom into priest-controlled enterprises alone. And Mr. Gwynn, the grateful M.P., forgets to ask where the priests get the money to start factories and banks. Not from trade and enterprise, which might enrich thousands. A couple of years ago there was a very illuminating affair in the Irish papers relating to Galway. In one of those will-cases a testator's relatives tried to get the reversal of a bequest of £3,500 to the Galway clergy. It was stated at the trial of the case that the clergy had already invested the £3,500 in a woollen manufactory which paid 7 per cent.
Every penny invested in priestly speculations in Ireland is taken from the collecting-plate and the deathbed legacy. And no matter what the good intentions or delusions of individual priests may be, it is simply impossible for lay industries to flourish alongside of sacerdotal shops and mills, for which the priests of the parish and the diocese are the touts and com- mercial travellers among the unresisting people. It is as impossible for lay industry to flourish in places like poor, pious, decaying Galway as for an independent layman to oppose the Parliamentary nominee of the priests.
Mr. Gwynn has gone out to curse "Paraguay on Shannon," but he has done his small best to bless it altogether. The priest's industries are the only bright spots in Galway !
P.S.—When Mr. Gwynn boasts that alone amid Galway misery the priest's factories make " 15 per cent.," he forgets many things. For • instance, what is the wage-rate of the priest's workmen and workwomen ? Mr. O'Conor Don recently testified before the Congested Commission that "the wages are not good" in another clerical factory. " 2100 a week in wages" might mean two hundred poor creatures on 10s. a week. The lace-making nuns pay often only 6s.
[We take no responsibility for our correspondent's allega- tions of fact, which are not within our knowledge. Again, we must not be held to endorse unreservedly his vehement indictment of the Irish priests. We do not doubt, how- ever, that trading by religious bodies is most undesirable. The business of ministers of religion is to deal in matters of the spirit, not to make 15 per cent.—ED. Spectator.]
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