THE LIBERALS AND THE ULSTER PROBLEM. ere THE EDITOR OF
THE " SPECTATOR.") Sin,—You ask, " What does the Liberal Party propose to do about Ulster ? " and suggest that no Homo Rule Bill can be proposed which will be acceptable to the Nationalists and, at the same time, just to the North of Ireland. We have not yet seen the proposals of the Government ; but if they at all resemble the forecast which has been made of them, the result will probably be that Ulster will have far more influence in the government of Ireland than it has at present. The Nationalists are not united even now, and when the condi- tions are removed, which at present give them some show of union, they will certainly be divided into at least three political groups, each strongly opposed, on personal and other grounds, to the others. If the Ulster party holds together, as it probably may, it will be the strongest group in the Irish Parliament, and will hold the balance, and be able always to make terms with one or other of the other groups in return for its support. In addition to this, owing to its energy, ability, and wealth, Ulster will have an influence in practical affairs quite out of proportion to the number of its representatives, There is no likelihood that religious intolerance will show itself. The authorities of the Roman Catholic Church look upon Home Rule with grave distrust; and it is practically certain that with its arrival the political power of the priests will be greatly diminished. But if there should be persecution, as Ulster apparently expects, the Protestants of the North, who have nothing to fear from it themselves, would be the natural and effective protectors of their co-religionists scat- tered all over Ireland, and I am unable to see how with their forebodings they can reconcile it to their consciences to abandon this charge.
For the good government of Ireland by an Irish executive, responsible to an Irish Parliament, the co-operation of Ulster is required ; and if the men of Ulster are true Irishmen, as I know that many of them are, they cannot refuse their services for the good of their country.
It is not one of the principles of the Liberal Party, as I understand them, to grant Home Rule to every locality which may demand it. The question is not whether the Irish ask for Home Rule, but whether it is for the good of the country that they should have it.—I am, Sir, Si., Great Shelford, Cambridge. G. C. MACAULAY. [If we may say so without offence our correspondent wanders from the point. He assumes that the people of Ulster will find that, after all, it will be for their good to give up being part of the United Kingdom, and will welcome being placed under a Dublin Parliament. We assume that the people of the North-Eastern Counties of. Ulster will do nothing of the kind, but will strenuously resist being driven out of the Union. Next we ask, "What will the Liberals do in that case?" and to this question we can get no answer. Are we to assume that if Ulster resists they mean to crush her and to stultify their whole Home Rule policy P Mr. Macaulay, we note, says that the Liberals are giving Home Rule, not because the Irish ask for it, but because it is good for Ireland. We certainly can find no warrant for this view in the speeches of Ministers. They always talk of granting Ireland's just demands, &c., &c.—En. Spectator.]
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