TOPICS OF TIIE DAY.

FRENCH AND ENGLISH: NEGLECTED DUTY OF THE BRITISH NATION.

THE English newspapers arrogate much credit to themselves, end to their countrymen in general, for discussing the questions arising out of Syrian affairs with greater command of temper Vein our ! French neighbours. It must be conceded to them, that they have not talked so much inflated nonsense ; but there are other consi- derations which tend materially to derogate from this self-lauda- tion.

In disputes like that to which we are now referring, nations are in general actuated less by clear views of the real position ot affairs, than by attachment to some comprehensive general principle, true or false, and a vague sentiment. The English public knew nothing about " the balance of power" in the long wars of WILLIam the Third and Maarationocon they knew as little of' the real merits of the guar& costas : they entertained a belief that English in-

terests or honour were threatened, and the angry mood thence arising carried them through the wars. It is the same with the French and English nations at this moment. At the commence- ment of the war of the French Revolution, France stood forward as the champion of the Democratic principle, and England as the champion of the Aristocratic principle. Through all the turnings and windings of the long strife that ensued—the brigandage of NAPOLEON'S early career, and the kingtnaking of his later day— through PITT'S championship of the " right divine of kings," and CASTLERE VGII'S tampering with popular insurrections—both nations, although both acted in contradiction to their cherished principles, continued to regard themselves as respectively the champions of De- mocracy andAristocracy. The battle of Waterloo decided, for a time, the contest in favour of the old Aristocracy of Europe against the young Democracy of France. This termination or the struggle was impatiently acquiesced in by France; not less, perhapa, front wounded national vanity than front wounded attachment to prin- ciple. The Revolution of the 30th of July, and the passing of the Reform Act, have to a considerable extent modified the relations of the two countries, but have not yet changed them. Instinctively, they seem to be resuming their old position. Syria, MEHEMET ALT, the Sultan, are nothing to the masses of France and England, whatever they may be in the estimations of the rulers of these na- tions. But M. TRIERS declares that Mnineuter ALI, having made himself defaeto a great power, foreign states have no right to put ; While the advocates of Lord PALMERSTON declare, that "the European commonwealth cannot fail to look with great jealousy on the advancement of any doctrines calculated to under- mine sovereign authority in any part of the world." France feels that the Democratic principle—the independence of nations—the right of nations to choose their own government, free from fbreign in- terference—the principle which was violated when the Bor aitoxs were reseated on the throne of France—the principle which was trampled under horses' hoofs amid the gory carcases of Waterloo— is again threatened. France, it is true, apprehends the great truth, which causes the hearts of her sons to " burn within them by the way," but imperfectly—she mixes it up with lingering attachment to the old foolish glories of conquest : but to that principle she clings devotedly, though blindly ; and it is a just principle, and upon its establishment depends much of the wellbeing of the human race. The principle, on the other hand, which is given out as a rallying- cry by Lord PaLmmisTox and his adherents, is the old doctrine of the Holy Alliance, repudiated by this country even under G Fanni CA.NN LNG, and thought to have been suppressed lin' ever by the Reform Act. England has not yet given her assent to this anti- quated heresy, : and yet the all but unanimity of the English press, dignity of its deportment as contrasted with that of Franco, but impartial judges will decide that the r,,,,yee, of England is the self- possession of a man determined to do wrong although convinced that it will be to his own injury, because he believes himself power- fiji ; while the ludicrous, angry gesticulations of France, is the rage of a man who loses his temper, because, though he feels he is in the right, he does not understand the question sufficiently to be able to convince others. We would neither extenuate the folly of Franco nor in unduly our own count ryIllen : we merely wish to suggest that the French people are not altogether in the wrong, and that we ourselves are very thr from being alto- gether in the right. These considerations lead us to a view of the present relations of France and England which does not seem to have been suffi- ciently adverted to—the degree to which the nation at large will be responsible if .31inisters be allowed to plunge us hno on mar with France. \Viten the embarrassment of our finances. and the suffer- ings of OW Capitalists and operatives, occasimaid by the preternatural exertions of tItis country from 1793 to l8 Ili, began to be fully felt at the close of the war, great v.its the indignation vented by sof- tering patriots upon the anthition and tyranny of the Kings and Ministers who had eutailed such evils upon us. The patriots forgot that a share only of the blame was attributable to the parties they inculpated : the nation was itself in Mule The

and the inclination evinced by a considerable portion of the public .

to allow its pugm r

teity to be aoused by the contag W ion of the ar- „ . • , like bluster of Fritnee, are ominous. If the English nation be w foOliSII C110110 to allow itself to be seduced into apprchation of the war policy of Ministers, it HMV claim what credit it please-, for the J.' its eolith.t.ance, was a popular ., eel; eer,1 of the multitude; ;aid •• Iliack-uebs,' were as un-

• ilefala Bill. ',1", neither excul- ' 'mei tie. policy of the . ee claim attentioa to the • 11.,,leti v ith them in the I!r..,,-eforc, upon the Bri- e Eerop,.. ie -Aar as extensive e.j scents to ,,re the grounds of to 11.:1 plunge- us into

:.1';`Eil.s. pltbliv mind on this . a..ta bet ili:; private conversa-

'.....a elienititcturer already . ',hes. The operative Leae., ei• ‘eithe .ion of employ- . tee 1.,..eene: v:itr-taxation upon

lo.

.." .•'

... Vit h the cold

, that merchants ',IL,. a ho,t, 0: petty Wir s,t1t,2 of the rt.., cone. and, more Llian all, - ui priaCcles -A!,10.1 teach men that all inn vi: cdiii.wr.h. ti..'

r,aule- the prospect of a

, . ti.e ma„iority.. Atai ya-t men hesitilte, not ouly ,e in a or war, but even to ex-

, ie pi i,-ae• et that the impending \ea.:, or ' ..ught to be avoided.

The:- .1 'Itc•• of ;,,'• to'. new, too imper- thun, '''''''''' cing a judgment oil the mid v.ith consijerable

;:..,he roc...! in the kid:meat hands re-

015 the he, e Irti,tea : outttur, tife..w- ,1 sponsibility ,,:. his of public ,)pi- nem is ‘. mee the national

ca,iractele It pa•-•!i:t:; 1:.:;•--it!I the uation—groat iii kno:le a.:•1 -shrinking froin

the for •...ing its leaders

to condu..eli *ea :ea:anetion jut , • ,e dan,,,,:er an d

distress, u.1.1,, proteei it more thee to tals palliations folly and iMustice. Such eon 1,:et woe!: !••prehensible .•.t!on, but more

especially inn-t it be :•;,) in one vvitieh att.\ :.7%, ago won for

itself 60 la, ' ......ii The electoral at ,t s. beyond die': ,ucit in 'fhe elector... ela-s hay,: this country. The only, the body , Government vilich ceetee Can deteLeiee tie not do.

hands :

otheis.

S : ,p.testions are :10 necessity for • H... such matters. of power in ; ' Lee '

• !ead i

it to I.

elient t.. len long tilt' pe-t. to a de 51 I. is tie' 1, mind to it mm . 110W, that

:we to ent,.:1 promote eitlua! in particular. There

of our sti!'el•iii,s„,,s, ill 1.• In instead if ti', in,; to 1..•, . the second it,art et' II C portant, is the I.,ss urgent.

It is a task .me omit',':.: •,' public at large : .s . ' 1,:ted period • to stop any Llectoral class or shalt ultr.cd tbld their

, C;:ret2f of '• •:,:ss. They a. "ranee: for !:11,-..se who eit'lc. to .jualify them- .....!::taken, or to re-

:hat the duty at '

'Aril. head..

rs. the allegation made in some quarters, that our present entangle- ment is the result of the habitual inattention of the British public to the manner in which our Foreign affairs are managed. For many months the public • attention had becn repeatedly invited to the doings of Lords PALMERSTON and PONSONDY ; but the public turned a deaf ear. The news of the pretended insurrection in Syria had reached this country before the rising of Parliament, and the use which our Foreign Secretary was resolved to make of it was generally known. Yet Parliament was allowed to rise with- out any precise information being exacted from Ministers regarding the line of policy they bad adopted, or the grounds upon which they bad adopted it. Members of revilement did not take the trouble to elicit such intbrmation, because they saw the public apathy, and anticipated no blame for neglecting their duty and no praise for performing it. But this habitual inattention to the conduct of the Executive Government is not confined to Foreign affairs ; it is equally striking in the Colonial, and even in the Home department. The public only take an interest in isolated questions; and the interest which they take in any of these, excludes, for the time it lasts, all attention to other matters. This is a necessary consequence of the structure of the human mind; to which, as to the eye, the object of immediate in- .spection seems so large that every thing in the background is dwarfed beside it. This is one of the constitutional liabilities to an ever-recurring error in man, that it is the province of reason to devise artificial means of recalling to his memory in order to prevent his acting upon it. It is in vain to expect that the public will keep a stead!) watch over Ministers : every man has enough to do with his own affairs. In every society this must be done by the comparatively few who take an interest in public business, and make politics as it were their profession. The public can and ought only to be roused to act at distant intervals: havile; secured to itself a responsible and well-organized Govern- ment, the public is entitled to follow its own pursuits, casting only an occasional glance of inspection at its servants in the legislative and administrative offices. The "responsible govern- ment " has to a certain extent teen attained in this country ; this " well-organized" is yet a desideratum. A well-constituted gemernment ought to contain provisions for counteracting men's n:stural tendency to be engrossed in one thing at the moment t o the neglect of every thing else. Such provisions are alike ssecessary to prevent neglect of foreign affitirs to an extent that (as in the present instance) allows Government to hurry is unnecessarily into a dangerous predicament, and an ex- clusive attention to foreign affairs, sometimes encouraged by corrupt governments with a view to divert attention from their proceedings at home. To this end, there is a practice of the Ame- rican and French Legislateres which might be adopted with ad- vantage by our own—that of making each department of Govern- ment present at the beginning of a session a detailed account of what has been done within the year by the officials intrusted with its management. If the house of Commons would make it a standing order, that such reports should be annually presented from every department, and discussed before the financial business was entered upon, public attention would be kept alive to a view of the Executive Government's proceedings, at once comprehensive and detailed ; and a form of procedure would be prescribed to the business of the House, which would prevent any important ques- tion from being suppressed. More would thus be done in less time than at present ; and the public would not be exposed to the danger of being taken by surprise, and hurried, for want of time to reflect, into detrimental courses of policy.