THE MAGAZINES.

THE Nineteenth Century for August contains two or three striking papers, Mr. S. E. Moffett's on "How America Really Feels towards England" being, perhaps, the most interesting Mr. Moffett, who is editor of the powerful New York Journal, emphatically declares that America is Pro-Boer, her people holding, with a curious contempt for facts, that the Republics which have so tried us are weak little States, that they did not threaten South Africa, and did not declare war; but he maintains that this is merely a matter of sentiment. The Boer War " chilled " American feeling towards England. which had been warmed by our conduct in the Spanish War; but it is not upon feeling that the future will depend, but upon our abstinence from interference with American policy. "The American policy is simple. It is based upon the fact that the -United States is, and intends to remain. the paramount Power of the Western Hemisphere. This determination is ingrained in the fibre of the American people. It has been growing in intensity for three generations, and it has now passed all possibility of alteration. For other Powers the only question is whether they will accept it or collide with it." In all North American and South American questions the Union "claims an exceptional interest," without, it must be remarked; admitting any exceptional responsibility. Mr. Moffett's grand illustrations of the position are two : first, the existence of Canada as a British dependency, which will, he contends, always make the relations of the two countries " delicate" ; and secondly, the Nicaragua Canal. Briefly, he thinks Americans wish to cut this canal, at an expendi- ture of forty millions sterling, and throw it open to the world, possibly even without charging tolls, but to retain sovereignty

over it in time of war, and that they deny the British right to interfere, even to the extent of claiming com- pensation for a surrender of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty.

Americans are expendipg,. be says, a vast sum for the general benefit of mankind and the particular benefit of their own coasting trade, and Great Britain, together with the rest of the world, ought to be thankful

and not grudge. From a somewhat different point of view, we accept the American contention, believing that the canal, however owned, must benefit everybody ; but Mr.

Moffett sets aside treaties too lightly. He seems to believe that American opinion is like a divine law which ought to override all opposed to it, and even as regards the possession of Canada, writes of us as if we were only tolerated. We are thankful to him for plain speaking, but his way of putting his argument is hardly the way to produce con- viction here, and we must warn our readers that other and far more competent judges give a very different account of the attitude of America towards the Boers.— Mrs. S. Staples warns English gentlewomen who think of emigrating to Natal that they must be housewives in a different sense from that current in England, that they can purchase nothing, that they must be "jacks of all trades," especially upholsterers and cooks, and must be ready to put up with the roughest life. If they can do these things, they will find compensation in the large freedom of the sweetest country in the world. The remarkable feature of this short article, which is otherwise ordinary, is the intensity of its writer's feeling for South Africa, a division of the world which certainly seems to lay a singular hold upon its settlers.—There is a valuable and new paper, by Mr. C. W. Radcliffe Cooke, upon "The Cider Industry in France and England." He wants a porno. logical institute here, maintained, of course, by the State, to give instruction and make experiments in perfect cider- making. There are four such institutes in France, and will

be more, for while the English production of cider is worth a million a year the French is worth eighteen, as against a total

of fifty millions from the vineyards. The advice is sensible enough, but Mr. Cooke must raise the money for a cider insti- tute by subscription. He would not enjoy the temperance speeches upon the subject if it were mooted in the House of Commons.—There is an amusing biography of Beau Nash, who seems to have been a vain, generous, extrava- gant, and bitter-tongued man, with a genius for making himself usefully disagreeable in the management of festivities at Bath. He had real capacity for governing, and, we suspect, played the fool as to his dress and equipments— imagine an immense cocked hat of cream-coloured beaver— with the distinct idea of keeping himself before the public eye. He was an inveterate gambler, but liked, if we may trust the following rather incredible story, to protect young men of position :—

" When the Earl of T— was a youth he was passionately fond of play. Nash undertook to cure him. Conscious of his superior skill, he engaged the Earl in single play. His Lordship lost his estate, equipage, everything ! Our generous gamester returned all, only stipulating for the payment of £5,000 when- ever he might think proper to demand it. Some time after his Lordship's death, Nash's affairs being on the wane, he demanded it of his heirs, who paid it without hesitation."

Re was, it must be remembered, not playing quite fairly, for he never had the fortune to risk such stakes. In his old

age he was neglected, lived on a small pension from the Corporation of Bath, and died in 1761, at eighty-seven, in something of squalor. The Corporation, however, voted him a public funeral, which was attended by vast crowds.

We have not found in the Contemporary Review any striking article, but the author of "The Foreign Policy of Lord

Rosebery " concludes in this number an interesting, though un- discriminating, eulogium of that policy, based on accounts which may be taken to be at least demi-official. The writer leaves on our mind the impression that Lord Rosebery regards France much as our masses regard Russia, and is ready to risk war with her on grounds which are in themselves often inadequate. He rather weakens than strengthens his case by frequent sneers at Lord Salisbui. The weakness of one Minister's policy, even if proved, in no way strengthens the evidence that another Minister's policy was strong.

The account of "The Billion Dollar Trust" is valu- able as a record of the facts, and for its admission that these gigantic Trusts could hardly exist without the American tariff. The writers lay especial stress on the high wages which these Trusts either produce or foster, the average in the steel trade being stated at sixteen shillings a day, nearly fiva pounds a week. The total impression left on our mind is that the freeholders of America are taxed in order to enrich the steelworkers and certain groups of millionaires. Whether such taxation can be for the benefit of the masses of the Union may be an open question, but we feel certain that whenever it is fully perceived, the ranks of the -Free-traders will be swollen as they have never been yet.—" Sifting the Atmosphere" is a curious but sensible argument that more germs float in the atmosphere than is yet recognised, and that it is necessary to study them with especial reference to the dissemination of disease. Only -as we cannot control the air we do not quite see what direct benefit we are to gain even from perfected- knowledge.—We see no other article of much interest, having in vain tried to understand what Mr. Peyton, author' of "Anthropology," is exactly driving at. We presume his central idea to be that primeval man. greatly enjoying his existence, feels gratitude to God, and that this gratitude is a great factor in the genesis of religion, but we are by no means certain of our presumptions.

The Fortnightly for August begins with the inevitable aids to the study of the condition of the Liberal party. The writer of the first paper, "The Cry for Men," thinks that Lord Rosebely's recent letter and speech "have aggravated the almost hopeless paradox of his strange career." After a series of skilful thumb-nail sketches of politicians, be finds- that the chief defect on both sides is the general mediocrity, the lack of nerve and imagination and driving. power. The party system is failing because parties have only an artifical basis now, and do not spring naturally out of the conditions of the country. He finds in Mr. Chamberlain the "single dynamic personality in politics," and believes that his Premiership would revive the life of politics, and resuscitate the Opposition. It is a striking paper, though we think the writer overrates the decadence of the party system. We have often before witnessed an absence of vigorous opposition between parties, but the system itself has flourished in spite of moments of decrepitude. The truest and cleverest part of the paper is found in the characterisations of different politicians. — Perhaps the most valuable contribution to the number is " Diplomaticus's " exposure of Mr. Morley's rash statement that the verdict of foreign nations is the verdict of history. He shows that foreign opinion on England, insincere and garbled as it is, is the fruit partly of Metternichian reaction and partly of mercantile rivalry, and has nothing to do with a moral and liberal hatred of aggres- sion. "Continental Anglophobia is a result of that astonish- ing revival of reaction which, to the confusion of that political school to which Mr. Morley belongs, shadowed the dying days of the departed century. When Mr. Morley hails the opinion of outside nations as the verdict of history, he appeals for support to the worst elements of political obscurantism."

Mr. H. G. Wells, continuing his series of anticipations of the future, foreshadows the "Passing of Democracy." He thinks that the development of the democratic system will lead more and more to international conflicts and wars. The issue, he thinks, will not be Cmsarism, but the rise into power of an intelligent and scientifically educated middle class who will use their latest discoveries in the way of guns to crush mob-power and class-power, and prepare the way of peace. We confess that it is a prospect compared with which the most naked Cmsarism seems attrac- tive.—We may note, among other papers, an interesting study of "American Imperialism" by Mr. Sidney Brooks (he thinks there is no political danger to Britain in it, and that the two chief obstacles in its way will be the American system of politics and the American sentimentality); a set of articles upon the Navy; and a charming variation upon Froissart, "The Scrivener's Tale," by Mr. Maurice Hewlett.

The National Review opens as a matter of course with a study of the Rosebety problem. The writer, who calls him- self "An Old Parliamentary Hand," is more favourable to the character and talents of the political sphinx than most publicists. There is much good sense in the paper, and par- ticularly we note in the sketch of a foreign policy the wise insistence upon the need of a friendly understanding with Russia. But we can hardly believe that Lord Rosebery will ever be at the head of a Government selected purely for its efficiency (" Lord Charles Beresford at the Admiralty, Lord Kitchener at the War Office, Mr. Haldane on the Woolsack, Lord Cromer in the Foreign Office "). In the first place, a Government chosen on such a basis is unthinkable. Efficiency is the common ideal of every party, and can never be made a party distinction. It would be as if two religious sects were to formulate as their sole difference superior holiness of life. In the second place, assuming such a Government, Lord Rose- bery, who is the least efficient and practical of statesmen, would be seriously out of place at its head.—Mr. Arnold White, having done a good work last month by pointing out some of the grievances of the men in the Mediterranean Fleet, returns this month to the same topic, and laments that the fleet is not kept up to war strength, so as to be able in case of need to strike a sudden blow at an enemy, for "the essence of naval war is suddenness." We do full justice to Mr. White's good intentions, but we think he is straying beyond his province. Lord Selborne gave him his answer three weeks ago, when he said that the disposition of ships at any given place at any given moment must be left purely to the discretion of the Admiralty. He pointed out, further, that the British Navy was not a collection of isolated units but an interdependent system, Mr. White ignores these arguments, and when he is not harping upon the old" war-footing" scheme, he is devoting pages to plati- tudes which he says constitute business principles. We repeat that Mr. White is spoiling a good work by officiousness.- — Mr. P. J. Macdonell in an able and well-written paper pleads for justice to the Colonial in place of sentimental tenderness for the Boer. He draws a distressing picture of the growing irritation among South African loyalists at the ill-timed benevolence of the Government. He proposes the fixing of some day after which any one taken will be considered a rebel and punished accordingly after trial in a civil Court. But his chief contention is the necessity for reopening the Rand mines, on which he argues very convincingly.

' The August Blackwood is an admirable holiday number. It begins with a contribution from the Poet-Laureate which is pleasing from its simple expression of country joys.—Mr. Nugent-Bankes follows with an account of "Three Years with the Metropolitan Fire Brigade," a vivacious article full of good stories. One of the most remarkable of his experiences was at the burning of some great coffee-warehouses at Wapping, where "for hours the gutters were running with the most delicious-looking cafo noir." Mr. Nugent-Bankes had no serious misadventure beyond getting nearly drowned in the basement of a warehouse in Cheapside, and falling into a jam-vat in the Borough.—The most striking paper in the number is "A Side Show" by "Lines- man," an account of the sort of small incidental action which is rarely chronicled. It confirms us in our belief that in this writer we have a worthy successor of the late Mr. Steevens. He is more consciously literary, more oppressed With culture, perhaps a little too much given to philosophising, but he has a very remarkable gift of observation, and a great power of dramatic narrative.—" Musings without Method' are chiefly devoted to attacking the modern craze for speed. whether illustrated in motor-racing, or in cricket, or at Henley. The writer thinks that it is merely a symptom of the decadent vulgarity which on different sides is corrupting literature and trying to ruin Marble Hill.—Among other papers we must notice Lord Ronaldshay's interesting and vivid account of a journey over the Himalayas in mid-winter, Miss May Byron's pleasant account of "Portland," Mr. Hardy's "Isle of Sling,ers," an amusing anonymous sketch, "Speculating on the Double Event," and Mr. Buchan's curious character-study, " Fountaiublue."

The Monthly Review for August is an excellent number, less from any paper of striking interest than from the high level of readableness throughout. The editorial article on "The Main Stream" diagnoses the ailments of the Liberal party. It finds that the danger which threatens it is "one

not essentially connected with the war the present troubles are merely the symptoms of the malady, and will be succeeded by others not less painful if no attempt is made to

get rid of the poison and establish a healthier mode of life." This malady is the presence in the party of thoroughly eon. Liberal and unnational elements, and a consequent lack of any corporate spirit. The writer prays for what every true Liberal and Conservative must deafrigIste-united and broad. minded Liberal party.—Lieutenant-Colonel Maude in an article which he calls somewhat absurdly " Mr. Brodrick's Lost Opportunities" attempts to find some scheme of Army reform which, so far from being a burden, shall add directly to the wealth of the Empire. "The essential need of the Empire," he says, "is a fuller circulation of its units to its extremities ; the needs of the Army are training in surroundings impossible to obtain is our over-populated isles, and a life varied and attractive enough to induce the best blood to offer itself." He there. fore proposes that all our regiments in turn should pass two years of their round of service in some country like Canada as trained pioneers. Such an experiment would be most interesting ; but the first objection which occurs to us is that it would be to locate a large part of our Army for a time in a place strategically unimportant.