Or the topical articles in the Nineteenth Century, none is

better worth attentive perusal than that of Sir Harry Johnston on "The White Man's Place in Africa." The gist of his. argument is to be found in the following important para- graphs :—

"If Europe would make up its mind to demand no larger share, but agree that the remainder of African territories should be allotted almost entirely to the ownership of the Negroes and Negroids who now inhabit them (with, perhaps, some degree of Indian colonisation in those waste lands of East Africa which have a climate unhealthy to Europeans), and if, indeed, some idea of the scope of this partition could be brought home to the indigenous races, then I think that we might run less risk of piling up the elements for an awful war between black and white If the white man is to arrogate to himself all the soil which he possesses in South Africa, and even to aspire here and there to. extend his holding—if, in short, he wishes to strive for the ideal of a white' South Africa—he must face difficulties, and be pre- pared to do his own manual and unskilled labour as well as to. occupy every other grade in the social hierarchy. It is by no. means certain that men of British, Dutch, and German descent will consent to the policy which is being attempted in Australia, and which is largely the policy of North Africa. Eager as many of us art; to implant unskilled British labour, for instance, in the South African colonies, this policy is frustrated at the present time not only by the failure of the Government to secure cheap conditions of life for the white man, but by the unwillingness of

the European to work as a navvy or an agricultural labourer Much disagreeable manual labour can, no doubt, be accomplished by perfected machinery; but if there is still a gap in the social hive that the white man is too proud or too enervated to fill, then we fall back into an inevitable black, white, and yellow system for South Africa; while over the western and central parts of the continent the black man must eventually monopolise the soil, commerce, and industries, with the white man as a long-lingering instructor."

The difficulties of the situation are clearly and temperately put. But is Sir Harry Johnston correct in assuming that Italians, for instance, would be unwilling to work in South Africa as navvies or agricultural labourers P—Mr. Eltz- bacher's attempt to dismiss the "yellow peril" is based on the belief, first, that China will neither reform herself nor allow, others to reform or organise her ; and second, that Japanese expansion will not extend beyond Korea. The real Asiatic peril for Europe, in his opinion, is to be found in Russia's wanton aggression, harsh rule, and " steam-roller " policy. Mr. Eltz- bacher's statement that the era of reform in China seems to. have already given place to an era of reaction is not easy to reconcile with the preponderating influence exercised by Yuan Shi-Kai, the Viceroy of Chihli.—We are glad to see Mr. Henry /limber, M.P., once more urging on the Govern- ment the duty. of fulfilling their pledges in regard to the Over- representation of Ireland, and can only hope that be is justified in his belief that a Redistribution Bill will be part of

question, though it involves larger alterations in Ireland than elsewhere. Amongst other drawbacks of the present system, Mr. Kimber does well to emphasise the personal hardship and injustice entailed on an English M.P., and those whom he represents in constituencies of thirty thousand or forty thousand electors and two hundred thousand population, by the extra claims on his correspondence, leisure, and purse.

As regards the natural desire to refrain from irritating the Irish—Mr. T. P. O'Connor has alluded to the movement as "sinister and villainous "—Mr. Kimber observes : "Twenty years of Parliamentary life has proved to me that nothing is gained by abstaining from doing an act of necessary justice to the rest of the kingdom from a fear that it may arouse the susceptibilities of our Irish friends."—Sir Rowland Blennerhassett writes an interesting survey of the relations between England and France since Waterloo, inci- dentally noting that full justice was done to Wellington's restraining influence on the Allies by the leading historians

of the Restoration. While cordially applauding the com- prehensive arrangement that has now been arrived at, Sir Rowland insists that the permanent condition of an entente cordiale is that Britain should maintain forces, both by sea and land, suitable to her position. "Frenchmen have no

wish to acquire, nor have they any interest in cultivating, the friendship of a feeble auuntiy."—Mr. Herbert Samnel's paper on "The Cobden Centenary and Modern Liberalism" is notable for the candour with which the writer admits the limitations of Cobden's outlook, and emphasises the divergence of the Liberal party of to-day from Cobden's ideas on the maintenance of the Empire and State interference for the purpose of social reform. He notes, very justly, that "to many Cobdenism and the free trade movement appear to be convertible terms. Find an error, a mistaken forecast, in one of Cobden's speeches, and you detect a fallacy in the"ibeory of free imports; declare yourself a free trader and you may be classed as a complete Cobdenite." The application of a similar test to Mr. Chamberlain, up to the age of sixty, is infinitely more disastrous to the cause of Protection. Mr. Samuel's paper may serve as a useful cor-

rective to the acute depreciation of Mr. H. W. Wilson's article on "The Real Cobden" in the National Review.

The editor of the National Review, faithful to his excellent practice of enlisting amongst his contributors leading Con- tinental publicists and politicians, has been fortunate in

securing a valuable paper on the Anglo-French agreement from M. Doumer, the distinguished ex-Governor-General of Judo-China, and President of the Budget Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. M. Doumer is as frank as be is friendly. While hailing the Convention as the outward and

visible sign and first product of the entente cordiale, he is by no means inclined to regard it as revolutionising the old regime,

under which he significantly observes that the commercial relations between the two countries could not have been more satisfactory. Particularly interesting are his remarks on the bearing of the agreement on the European situation. France and England, as be observes in his concluding remarks, are not the only nations in the world, and though he contends that the policy of France for the last thirty years has been

pre-eminently pacific—

"France cannot permit the equilibrium of Europe to be troubled once again to her own detriment. England, who has realised how much she lost in influence, in strength, and in wealth by certain concessions, appears, like ourselves, to appre- ciate the requirements of the present moment and of the near future. She is ready to range herself side by side with France against ambitions which will imperil the independence of nations and compromise the peace of the world for a long time to come." —Another extremely interesting paper is that by Mr. Valen- tine Chirol on "The Conflict of New World-Forces in the Far

East." After tracing the growth of European expansion in that quarter from the days of the Portuguese pioneers in the sixteenth century, with special reference to the projection of Russian land-power across Northern Asia, Mr. Chirol deals with the evolution of Japan as a modern State. The strength of Japan is, in his view, based on a sense of national unity, which is due in turn to unbroken racial continuity and un-

broken continuity of rulership. To these causes, we may note, he attributes the difference of the national fibre of

Japan from that of China. He strongly combats the notion

that the Japanese are merely an imitative people, contending that they have always stamped their individuality on every- thing they received from abroad. He notes the singular fact that the modern transformation of Japan was effected by a revolution, not from below, but from above; and that while in its inception the motive of most of its authors was anti- Occidental, it ended in a general recognition of the need of throwing Japan entirely open to the sciences, arts, and industries of the West. Mr. Chirol concludes a most able and suggestive paper by a, comparison of the resources of the combatants in this epoch-making struggle, show- ing that the disparity is more superficial than real, and that, apart from the advantages of base, of the sympathy of the native populations, and of an intensely patriotic and united people, the highest standard of pecuniary integrity is the rule in the Japanese Military and Naval Services.— Lord Lytton contributes a brief but lucid summary of the case against the administration of the Chantrey Bequest. We are glad to learn from the concluding paragraph that it is his intention to move in the House of Lords for a. Committee to inquire into the administration of the Trust.

The Contemporary worthily maintains its repute in its June issue. Dr. Dillon's long paper on "The Obstacles to an Anglo-Russian Convention" is chiefly remarkable for an elaborate review of the methods of German diplomacy in its endeavour to isolate Great Britain and embroil her with the other Powers. Besides the obstacles persistently thrown in the way of an understanding with Russia by Germany, Mr. Dillon notes the im- potence of the Russian Foreign Office, and is probably right in ascribing to its system of divided responsibility, with no representative of all Russia accessible to the foreign Ain- bassadors, that policy of drift which led Russia into the present campaign. None the less, he does not despair of the realisation of an Anglo-Russian Convention, if only what he calls " praeter-diplomatic influences" are allowed free play. Foremost amongst these he reckons the power, the goodwill, and the personal resolve of the Czar. The basis of such an understanding is, in his view, that both nations need and desire it,—Russia even more than ourselves. But as long as the war lasts the utmost that can be done is to smooth the way.—Professor Lloyd Morgan contributes a, thoughtful and interesting paper on "The Riddle of the Universe," taking his stand on the ground that the riddle of the universe and the riddles of science are not on the same plane of interpretation. He freely admits that Haeckel and his school are justified in contending that scientific answers to scientific problems are trustworthy, and that the introduction of metaphysical considerations in the solutions of these problems is wholly inadmissible. But he strongly demurs to their further assumptions that the problem of the universe as a whole is a scientific problem, and that here also the intro- duction of metaphysical considerations is inadmissible. The validity of Professor Lloyd Morgan's contention finds powerful support in the concluding " Reflections " of Mr. Herbert Spencer's autobiography.—Mr. H. W. Massing- ham's pessimistic paper on "The Materialism of English Life" is vitiated in great measure by unconvincing illustra- tions. Thus, to prove that the cult of pleasure tends to widen the breach between the rich and the poor, he asserts that in England even local tradesmen are excluded from golf links. This statement conveniently disregards the fact that many clubs encourage the use of their links by artisans, and engage in friendly encounters with them. Again, what could be more ludicrously unfair than this definition of motoring "Motoring substitutes for the care and treatment and feeding of dumb animals—that is to say for a pursuit in which count- less generations of men have found delight—the enjoyment of recklessly swift motion, coupled with high nervous tension on the part of the driver and the passengers."—Mrs. Murray, drawing upon the experiences of twenty-five years' residence in Canada, gives a remarkable amount of the cost of living and the growth of political corruption under a Protective system in the Dominion. Per contra, she paints in glowing colours the thrift, enterprise, and patriotism of the Canadians. In twenty-five years she has only once seen a man intoxicated. Mr. Bayard, the American Ambassador, it may be remem- bered, never heard any bad language in the London streets. —We may also note Mr. Whitman's very interesting paper

Frances P. Cobbe ; and a paper on "Physical Education in Primary Schools," by Mr. A. P. Graves, H.M. Inspector of Schools for the Southwark district. Basing his argument on the recommendations of the admirable Report of the Scotch Commission, Mr. Graves appeals to the new educa- tional authorities to insist upon the appropriation of a sufficient amount of ground for the free games of boys and girls alike. The improvement in physique brought about by properly graduated physical exercises and organised games is strikingly illustrated by the record of the Eltringham Street Board-School in West Lambeth, where, though home circum- stances are unfavourable, the boys, from being below the average of the surrounding schools, have now, under the training of an enthusiastic head-master, the heaviest and tallest football team of any school in South London.

Mr. M. A. Stobart contributes to the Fortnightly a striking paper called "Behind the Scenes of Empire." The writer describes from his own experience the beginnings of a settler's life on the Transvaal veld. "Small groups of Englishmen from the Mother Isle, as well as from the daughter-lands of New Zealand and Australia, etc., are boldly as individuals, on their own initiative, settling the question of how to give effect and permanence to the conquest of a territory, in which the con- ditions of existence are at the moment strangely difficult and complicated." Mr. Stobart points out truly that the diffi- culties of the labour question have only been approached from the point of view of the gold industry. He admits the great benefit to be derived by the whole country from the mines, but would have us remember that the demand for Chinese -serfs is not merely the demand for labour to bridge over a critical time. The demand is in truth based on a feeling, often unconscious, but deeply rooted in African tradition, in favour of slavery. This is shown in the extent to which a man loses .caste if he works with his own hands. The writer tells us that be asked the " boots " of a hotel to carry a bag for him from the front door to his bedroom, and was met by the inquiry : "Is that a white man's work in this country ? " Until this attitude is modified the outlook is gloomy, for what South Africa wants is a large white population to colonise and develop the enormous possibilities of its soil. But a large population of English-speaking men who will -only direct while inferiors do the work is impossible. Mr. Stobart thus summarises the situation :—

" Two courses are open for adoption—(1) To allow labour, which is the real life of the land, to be in the hands of those who have no interest in the prosperity and advancement of the country, with the result that all the varied requirements of a budding civilization will be stunted. Or (2) to refuse, even at a sacrifice, thus deliberately to put back the clock of civilization, but to take care instead, that the influx of labourers shall be of a standard that is above, and not below, that which was obtaining in the country when our predecessors in possession had control."

—Mr. W. S. Lilly tries to persuade us that Shakespeare was not a Protestant, and brings forward many illustrations to prove the point. When a character in one of the plays speaks dis- respectfully of the Roman Church we are told that Shake-

speare was writing dramatically. But when Romeo talks of " Evening Mass" we are to see in the phrase deep knowledge of ritual. Friar Laurence is more estimable than Sir Hugh Evans, and this, we are told, shows Shakespeare's yearning for the old faith. The vague statement, "He dyed a Papist," made by the Rev. Richard Davis, when written we do not know, except that it was after 1688, Mr. Lilly accepts, apparently because he likes to do so. We wonder people are not weary of proving that Shakespeare was this or that. He has been discovered to have belonged to every profession, including that of murderer, because he showed himself so well acquainted with special subjects. But truly to the folly of Shakespearian criticism there is no end.

In Blackwood Sir Herbert Maxwell gives an amusing account of a number of unrepealed Acts of the Scotch Parliament. The Scotch Office last year prepared a Bill to repeal two thousand Acts dating from 1420 down to the Union, but the Bill was left unpassed last Session. From this collection the writer of the article has picked out a number of curiosities, such as the complaint to Parliament in 1424 of those who " considderis that Ruikes biggand (building) in Kirk-yairdes, orchards and trees dois greate skaith (injury) upon Cornea."

The destruction of all rookeries was thereupon ordered, and if any neat was found after a specified time the tree was to be forfeited to the King and cut down. The law dealing with immigrant aliens was simple and severe in 1609. It was declared " lesome (lawful) to all his Majestie's good subjects, or any of them, to cause take, apprehend, imprison and execute to death the saids Egiptians (Gipsies) either men or wemen." This law is still on the statute-book. Mr. Bung seems to have railed Parliament in the fifteenth century in a way that must make his by no means crushed suc- cessors envious. The " hostillases" complained to the King that his lieges " ‘travelland in the realm' preferred to lodge with their friends the local gentry, rather than resort to the inns. Henceforward travellers were forbidden to do so under pain of 40s. fine."—" Musings without Method" gives an account of a book about England by a Frenchman, M. Boutmy. According to this writer, Englishmen are "violent and brutal" and hypocrites. "The children allude

to their father ironically as the 'governor,' and regard him as a person of whom ill is always spoken." We are further told that an English father sees little of his children. In

fact, from this account we gather that many of the old dummies have been restuffed with straw. When our critic deals with modern history he is no more happy, and among other things tells us that Mr. Plimsoll to his last hour was "the representative and supporter of the Navy versus the Merchant Service." It is to be hoped that the books we read about France are not written quite so independently of the facts.

The editorial article in the Monthly Review on the loss of the Submarine Al is an excellent su mmary of the moral and physical aspects of the case, The rebukes to the "intellectually unemployed" are well direc ted against those who magnified every sensational rumour before the facts were known, and also against the panic-mongers who pro- nounced submarines too dangerous for usg, The writer goes on to apply the facts of the Japanese landing in Korea to an invasion of England, and shows that on this basis of calcu- lation to land a hundred thousand men in England would take fifty days and four hundred and fifty vessels of eight hundred thousand tons. The writer considers that these calculations show that the time of the "blow at the heart" is past. As things are now, submarines and guns have turned the tide against ships.—Mr. W. Beach Thomas writes of "Training and National Degeneration."

He tells us of a well-known builder who amused himself in his retirement by looking over the notes he had made during his career of the capabilities of his workmen. The result of these researches was to show the great superiority of the country-bred workman over his fellow of the town :— " The countrymen, for example, often owed their advancement to nothing more intrinsic than a native disinclination to travel in trains and 'buses ; and an unwillingness, the result solely of 'm- use,' to spend unnecessary pennies towards the achievement of muscular atrophy."

These men were never late at work from having missed their trains. Again, the country mechanic has the advantage of having been trained in a small workshop, and has had to work at all branches of his trade, and is thus capable of becoming a foreman or manager. The town man loses this chance from being a specialist. Mr. Thomas thinks much may be done on the physical side by facing the facts and getting townsmen to realise that they must take proper exercise and cultivate artificially the bodily fitness which the countryman attains naturally.—For obvious reasons we are unable to comment upon Mr. St. Loe Strachey's article on "Free-Trade the Foundation of Empire."

The Independent Review also notices M. Boutmy's book, though much more favourably; the writer of the review merely alludes to the conventional views of English life. It appears that there are many subjects on which our French critic shows a power of grasping our characteristics. For instance, M. Boutmy notices our incapacity for general ideas, which he attributes to our incessant activity, which leaves no time for reflection. Whether this reason is the real one or not, there is no denying the English habit of doing things piecemeal from the dislike of making a comprehensive plan in which the parts are related to the whole.—Sir Frederick Pollock writes a sympathetic and interesting study of Leslie Hon. W. Pember Reeves writes of the Australian Labour Ministry. His object is to show that the ideas of the party now in power under the direction of Mr. Watson are no crude collection of Jacobin doctrines and Socialist theories. We welcome this statement of the aims of the Australian Labour party by a sympathetic writer, as it is difficult to get at the truth, many writers being plunged into nervous agita- tion by the name of "Labour party." Mr. Reeves points out that the most disputable policy of the party in- question— the restriction of immigrants—really does not arise from a selfish desire to keep up wages, but from the determination that Australia shall be inhabited by a people of a high civilisation. There may be something to be said in favour of a policy which opposes the stereotyping of a system of under- paid, half-civilised labourers supervised by Australians. Better that the work of the land should be done by its own people, even if it make the process of development slow. Mr. Reeves denies that the strain put upon the finances of Australia has come from the Labour party. On the contrary, he maintains that it is the middle-class people, and particularly those in the country, who have called for great expenditure of State money. The writer seems to expect that a number of Progressives not now belonging to the Labour party will join the latter. In this way it will acquire not only strength but stability.

NOVELS.