Othatrii an preceding/II in Parliament. I. THE IRISH POLICE.

On Monday, Lord DUNCANNON moved the Peers to go into Corn. mittee on the Irish Constabulary Bill.

Lord RODEN vehemently denounced the bill, as the most unconsti- tutional and dangerous measure that had been introduced into Parlia- ment during the twenty-six years he had been a member. He stated several objections to it ; dwelling principally on the increased expense it would occasion, and the enormous amount of patronage it would confer on the Lord-Lieutenant, who was under the control of a Romish faction, so that it was out of his power to follow the right course.

Lord 'MELBOURNE was unwilling to detain the House from going into Committee by any general observations in reply to Lord Roden, accustomed as the House was to that noble lord's loud and hostile tone of confident assertion and gross exaggeration. But he would deny all the assertions of Lord Roden— In the first place, he denied that the bill was intended to supplant, or mate- rially to aggravate the expense of the present Police of Ireland ; he denied that it conferred powers upon Government, in respect to the Police, which they did not at present exercise. Every one knew the nature of the Police cstahlish- meat of Ireland, framed as it was upon a footing which the peculiar circum - stances of the country rendered necessary, and every one approved of the ope- ration of that system. The Peace Preservation Bill conferred upon the Lord Lieutenant all the material powers contemplated and provided for by the bill now before the House. It gave him the power to increase the Magistracy of the country fully to the extent contemplated by the present bill; and, by the advice of the Privy Council, it empowered him to send into any county any number of Policemen he might think proper, charging the expense on the county in the same way as that now proposed by the bill, and which had been complained of by the noble earl as a dangerous and oppressive novelty. He did think that it was a most injurious proceeding to adopt with respect to this bill—a bill which was only brought in for the purpose of consolidating vario statutes and provisions now existing, and in certain portions of those provi to introduce ameliorations—it was most unfair to give it a character different from that which it bore. It was leading the public into error for noble lords to denounce such an act as the introduction of a new coercion measure, as one un- known to former Parliaments, and as one being opposed and contrary to the spirit of the Constitution. It was said that Ministers acted in subserviency to a Romish fac- tion—, He would only meet this assertion with the most distinct denial; and he would beg leave to ask whether their Lordships, in order to maintain, cement, and preserve the Union with Ireland—whether, to consult and win the affec- tions of that country, their Lordships meant to lay down that no Government should obtain their confidence credit, or support, which did not set itself up in bitter hostility to a majority of the Representatives of that country? He would beg to ask whether that was to be the condition? and, if it were, he would say, that their Lordships were not acting wisely, prudently, or in accordance with the language which was heard every day within those walls respecting their desire to cement the union between these two parts of the empire. Lord WICKLOW had expected to bear a defence of the bill from Lord Melbourne, and not an intemperate attack on the mejority of their Lordships— He looked upon the present metieure as an insult to the magisttacy and gen- try of the country ; and he really had expected, when such a meaeure was brought forward, that some reasons would have been given for as introduction by the noble viscount. He was quite aware that the noble viscount was acting ander the dictation of others; but even then, he was surprised that such a measure should have been brought forward when he cast his eyes upon the evi- dence given before the other House of Parliament a few years since by one whose authority he did not respect, but which was of great weight with others. That individual stated, that there was no complaint against the Police, and that in his county the majority were Roman Catholic*.

Lord MELBOURNE asked, whose evidence was referred to?

Lord WICKLOW replied, that it was the evidence of the Master of kis Government— It was extraordinary that the Government, which was decidedly funder the influence of that individual, should have brought forward such a measure as this. (Cheers from the Ministerial Members.) It was too so decidedly in opposi- tion to the opinion of that individual, and he should say, so directly contrary to the constitutional principles that regulated any country, that it was to him a matter of infinite surprise. The present law was one which was only fit for a countryThi a state of rebellion; and yet, if the noble viscount considered Ire- land to be in a state of rebellion, he was bound to come forward with a mea- sure much stronger than this. If, however, their Lordships were determined upon going into Committee upon the bill, he hoped that safeguards would be introiluced to prevent the bill being of the tyrannical nature that it was, as proposed by his Majesty's Ministers.

The Duke of WELLINCTON, the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, the Marquis Of CLANRICARDF:, Lord HATHERTON, Lord WIN- CH1LSEA, Lord GORT, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE and Lord CLON- CURRY, each spoke a few words; and then their Lordships went into Committee on the bill.

The first clause was agreed to. The second was amended, on the motion of Lord ELENBOROUGH, so as to continue the present Police- men in office until specially removed by the Lord-Lieutenant. On the third clause, which provides for the appointment of an Inspector- General and two Deputy Inspectors, being moved, Lord ELLENBOROUGH said—" My Lords, we make no objection to this clause ; the object we have in view being to make the bill as effec- tive as possible."

Lord MELBOURNE—" My Lords, I wish to know what the noble lord means by the word • We?' " (Great laughter, and Ministerial cheers.)

No answer was given to this question.

Clause fourth was amended, after a good deal of discussion, so as to prevent the Lord-Lieutenant from refusing the aid of the Police in serving writs of rebellion issuing out of the Courts of Law.

The remaining clauses, to the end of the bill, were then agreed to, with some amendments proposed by Lord ELLENBOROUGH ; but the nature of which it was difficult to ascertain, in consequence of the indistinct conversational tone in which the discussion was carried on. They were generally directed to the reduction of the number and pay of the officers to be apiminted tinder the bill.

Last night, on the bringing up of the report, the Duke of LEINSTER moved to except Freemasons from the operation of the clause which prevents members of secret societies from entering the Police. The motion Was carried, by 44 to 41.

The report was then received.

2. GOVERNMENT Or THE ARMY: LORD BRUDENELL'S CASE.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Sirliriwast MOLESWORTH

moved for the appointment of a SelectCommittee to "inquire into the conduct of the Commander of the Forces in appointing Lieutenant-

Colonel Lord Brudenell to the Lieutenant- Coloneley of the Eleventh Regiment of Light Dragoons." Sir William commenced his speech in support of the motion by asserting the right of the House of Com- mons to demand an explanation with reference to any appointment in the Army which they might deem objectionable. If it was said that

this was an interference with the Royal prerogative, he would maintain the constitutional doctrine to be, that the proper exercise of the prero- gative could never be injurious to the People ; and therefore, if the appointment of Lord Brudenell were objectionable, it could not have proceeded from the King, but from some other person, who ought to be made responsible for it. As the people had to pay for all appoint- ments, it was fitting that they should be satisfied of their propriety—

The Commons have the power of controlling all the departments of the State, and have exercised that power. Over some departments that power is

exercised more frequently, over others less. The mode in which that power is generally exercised is, first, by asking an official explanation with reference to an appointment: if that explanation be not satisfactory to the House, and the appointment be persevered in, the next step is to move some resolution con- demnatory of the appointment : if this be carried, and without effect, the next step is an ruldress to the Crown to cancel the appointment, or to dismiss the person who made the anointment, or au impeachment of the person responsible for the appointment: ent: if all this be vain, then the neat step s to stop the Sup- plies—(" Hear, hear !" aside laugh)—and if this be likewise ineffectual, the act and ultimate appeal is to those who sent us here to be their faithful repre- sentatives. Such is the constitutional chain by which the Representatives of the People have asserted their right, and proved their power to control all the departments in the State."

zSir William referred to the questions recently put by Sir Robert Peel to Lord John Russell respecting the appointment of Municipal Magistrates, and to the cancelling of Lord Londonderry's mission to St. Petersburg, as instances of the constitutional interference of the Commons with the appointments of the Crown. In ancient times, to require such explanations would have been termed a dangerous inter- ference with the Royal prerogative ; but now it was well understood that the head of every department, except the Army, was answerable for all that was done in it. This was the case with the Home, Colo- nial, and Foreign Departments, and likewise with the Board of Admi- ralty ; which were all represented by Members of the House of Commons, who were ready to give explanations considered necessary any individual Member : but such was not the case with regard to Army. asked • question some time ago with reference to an appointment in the Alloy, the prow lety ut which seemed to 'be „ors amiable. A at.- mantled an official answer. The Secretary at War told ine that he was not responsible ; the Leader of the House of Commons informed us that the Ministers of the Crown were not responsible for the individual acts, but only responsible for the general conduct of the Commander-in-Chief. Now I wish clearly to be understood not to impugn the general conduct of the Com- mander in-Chief—not to call in question his general administration of the Army, which administration, I believe, is satitifictory and dexeiving of high praise: but I demand an official explanation with reference to a particular act of the Commander-in-Chief, which act I intend to impugn. My right homer. able and gallant friend the Member for Launceiton was the ouly person Who seemed desirous to take the responsibility for this act of the Commander-la- Chief upon himself; but I hardly suppose his Majesty's Ministers would son- sent that he should be considered the official organ of the Commander-in...Chief in this House, how eminently soever my right honourable friend may be quali- fied for that task. Thus it appeals, there is no one within the walls of this House connected with his Majesty's Government who is directly responsible to the Commons for the administration of the Army. This, Sir. is a great veil;

for the on i

only responsibility, in the first instance, s that of the Ministers of the Crown to this House •, and that responsibility is fimnded upon the power which the House posise-ses of withholding its support to those Ministers: if, there- fore, the head of one of the great depattruente of die State be not a Minister of the Crown, the contiol of the House over his conduct would be very 11118bi ; in other words, be would be irresponsible. But it is the acknowledged princi- ple of the Constitution that every officer of the state, except the Monarch, is responsible. Because the Monarch is not responsible, crety one of his acts must be performed with the concurrence of some liwrsen who is responsible. In the Army this Iterson is the Cotninantler•in-eltief. This responsibility be- ing admitted in principle, what is the provision made for enforcing it in prac- tice? The old mode of enforcing responsibility was by punishments; but this mode has become obsolete and nugatory; moreover, by its very nature it is in- applicable, except in cases of defineable clime. The days of impeachment are passed ; moreover, it would be absurd to impeach the chief of a department for merely one objectionable appointment ; and it would be equally useless to move

an address to the Crown to remove the functionary. Thus It is evident, if these were the only means of enforcing responsibility, an immense number of objectionable acts would be performed ; for it is the nature of all Ministers-- the pest, the present, amid the futute—to do objectionable acts, if they can do them with impunity."

But the Ministers of other departments had been made really re- sponsible, inasmuch as they could be called to account in the House of Commons for misconduct, and be removed from office ; and he con- tended that the Cotninander. in. Chief should be subjected to the same kind of responsibility. It was the want of some person authotired to speak for Lord Hill, that compelled him to bring a specific charge of misconduct against that officer ; and to state lie grounds on which he called upoti the House to accede to his motion for inquiry. Sir Wil- liam proceeded to read the decision of the Couttonartial on Captain Watheri, in 1834 ; and the general order issued from the HorseGuards depriving Lord Brudenell of the command of the Fifteenth Regiment of Hussars,—which order was read at the head of every regiment in the service : and he contended, that if Lord Hill considered the deci- sion of the Court-tnartial incorrect, and now restored Lord Brudenell to his former rank as an underhand steknowledgment that he had been unjustly treated. that lord had been deeply and cruelly injured by Lord Hill's refusal of his request to be tried by aCourt-tnartinl. The dtwi- sion of the Court-martial on Captain Waken still remained. Would Lord 11111 dare to say that it was unjust, false, and calumnious? It was impossible that the officers of the British Army could so consider it, when they referred to the names of those who sat upon the Court- martial. 'The new appointment would not be cons:der d a reversal of the old decision ; and if that decision were still held to be correct, how could Lord Hill dare to reappoint Lord Brudenell ? What must be the feelings of the officers of Lord Brudenell's new regiment, when they saw a man placed over them whose conduct had been stigmatized in the terms his had been ?

44 With what feeling: will tiny view the advancement over theirheads of this young officer--who has never heard the sound of a ntusket, except in the mimic combats of a review—who entered the army in [824; with unexampled rapidity obtained an unattached Lieutenatit-Coloneley in 1830; in 11532 the command of a regiment ; in 1834, two years afterwards, was removed from that command for alleged misconduct ; and now in l836, two years more, is deemed the fittest and most proper person to command their regiment ? They will murmur, and inost justly ; loud will be their indignation; they will say that which is said in every part of this town where this question is fil'.011Sed j they will say, that courtly influence, courtly favour, and courtly intrigue, have biassed the otherwise sound judgment of the Commander-in Chief, and com- pelled that distingui.lied and otherwise irreproachable officer to make this seemingly most reprehensible appointment,—an ailpointmetit which cannot fail to produce the painful belief in the fk of all connected with the British Army, that provided an officer possess wealth and influence, it matters not what his past conduct may have been—it matters not what the solemn decision of a

Court-martial may have been against him ; neither that conduct nor that deci- sion will be a bar to his future promotion, nor an impediment to his advance-

ment, over the heads of veterans, tit the command of tim-e whose conduct has ever been irreproachable. This be!ief, if it were to become general, is one highly injurinue to the honour, to the discipline, and to the subordination of the British Army ; and this fully justifies me in demanding from the House a Committee to inquire into the conduct of the Commander in-Chief." Lord BRUDENELL craved permission of the House to make is few observations. He felt the delivery of the task he had to perform, and the difficulty of defending his own conduct arid at the sante time mein- Wining due respeet for the exercise of th it prerogative by which he had been removed from the command of the Fifteenth Re- giment of Hussars. He was ready to take his just share the blame which attached to his conduct on that occasion ; but he niu-t state, that he erred with the sanction awl under the advice of ¶he Generul

commanding in chief in the district where he was quarts red. He had

been nal ed treated, all the ciretimetances con-idered, with great seve- rity. Ile had been condemned by a Court befere which he was not on

trial, and had been refused a Court-martial, which he repined f r the

purpose of vindicating his character ; although. as appeared flame a letter written in reply to his application for a Court mertiel. by Lord Fitzroy Somerset, his Majesty did think that portions of the es itletwe might net bear the construction !nit upon them by the Court.tuarital: Even supposing the den-ion of that Court to have helm no every respect correct, still it was a measuie of great, and, lie appeared flom the treatment of other officers similarly censured, nlittoet imprierds sited severity, to ren.ove him from his command. He had out acted tu the

ease of Captain Watben in secrecy, but he conversed openly on the subject with the officer next in command : he had, however, since been assured by men of high rank in the army, that the course he took was objectionable; and be fully admitted an error in judgment, but no wore. Lord Brudenell then read reports of the decisions of several Courts-martial. censuring officers who brought unfounded charges, with Vest severity ; all of whom, however, were allowed to retain their posits, and several of whom were still in the Army. He then proceeded to read letters from Generals Bouverie, Humsey Vivian. Frederick

Ponsionby. and Blakeney, expressing their opinion that Lord Brudenell had been hardly treated ; that his honour was untarnished ; and de. daring that they rejoiced in his restoration to his command. lie said

that he had also letters from the coinmand:ng officers of the districts where his regiment had been quartered, speaking in high terms of its state of discipline. He concluded by expressing his thatiks for the attention he had received ; and then left the House, amidst very loud 'beers from the Opposition benches ; and partial cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.

Lord Howice stated his strong objection to the motion ; which he designated as all attempt to wound Lord Hull through the sides of Lord Brudettell. his motion was, in fact, for a vote of censure on Lord Hill. But, Lord Howick contended, the House of Commons wag not u proper tribunal for the decision of a question of military discipline. If appeared that Lord Brudenell was put on halt-pay at the time of his removal from the Fifteenth tin-sars, because he was not eon. sidered as debarred from promotion by the verdict of the Court-mar- tial. Loud Howiek was not in office at the time, and could not say why at Court-martial was refused to Lord Brudenell when be solicited it ; but that request having been refused, he considered it most unfair for any one to turn round and quote against him the censure which another Court-martial, before which he was not tried, had declared against him by a parenthesis in their verdict of aequittal of another officer. As to the question of the responsibility of the Commander- in-Chief, he admitted that it was a fairsubjeet for discussion whether there should not be. which at present there certainly was not, the same stringent responsibility upon him as upon the First Lord of the Admi- ralty. The system might be faulty ; but if so, let it be attacked : that was not the question involved in the motion before the House, and therefore he would not then discuss it.

Lord GEORGE LENNOX defended Lord Brudenell, and impugned the correctness of the decision of the Court-martial who had censuied him.

Mr. }Irma amidst much interruption, supported the motion ; and declared that if a Committee were granted, he could state cases of gross partiality and oppression against Lord Hill.

Sir HENRY HARDING': defended the conduct of Lord Hill generally, and especially in the matter of Lord Brudenell. He contended that the Court-martial had gone beyond its province, in censuring Lord Brudenell.

Mr. ELLICE reminded the House, that he was Secretary at War when Lord Brudenell was put on half-pay ; which was equivalent to the assurance that he was not to be debarred flour future promotion— With respect to placing the noble lord on half. pay, after what had taken place, he entertained very seti,,u, doubts. He did not think that the noble Iced should be placed on half-pay unless they allowed him to be brought before a Court martial, or unless they should qualify the sentence of the Court- martial by the proper military authorities. Lord Brudenell having Jrmandmd a Court-martial, Mr. Ellice stated to the Commander-in-Chief, that if he, under the eiicemstanees, had been placed on half-pay, he would have ieaignrd his commission rather than have accepted the pitiful al- lowance of half-pay when he found that inquiry was refused him. Lord Hill did qualif■ the benteice of the Court. mnaitimI in the way which had been stated to the House. He agreed with the gallant general opposite, that the members of the Court-martial hail gone beyond the duty prescribed to them. He thought that they should not punish an officer without hearing him in his defence. He alight have ti glut a little more favourably of the case at the time than he ought, because it appeared to hini that Lord Brudenell had been borne down by the decision of the Own- martial. He thought that the proceeding was hard in itself—stronger than the ciicumstance'm of the case justified. The Secretary of War, however, had no discretion in these cases; indeed lie had no more to do with them than the honourable Member for Middlesex, or any other honourable gentleman.

He must say. that the present mode of managing the Military de- partment was attended with many inconveniences— The Commander-in-Chief had a thousand appeals made to him; and so great were the subdivisions, that he hiniself did not know on what or whom to depend for defence of his own conduct, if defence should become necessary. As to the Secretary at War, that functionary hail less to do with this department than the Home Secretary ; for every commission had to be countersigned by the Home Secretary. The Home Secretary, the Commander in-Chief, the Lords of the Treasury, the Judge-Advocate, had all to do with the matter be- fore it came to the Secrete, y at War. The Holl.e would not find him hazard- ing a eash opinion upon this subject : but of this he was perfectly satisfied, that things could nut safely remain as they were. He would not trespass upon the House by stating what he conceived would be the consequences which might ensue; but this he knew, that the Army suffered very much from not having a sufficient prerection from high quarters—fmen not having a high and respon- sible authotity to represent them in his Alajesty's councils, as every other de- partment of the state bad. There ensued great difficulties also from these causes to the Colonial service—tEffim-ultk-s which deserved the particular atten- tion of the Govrñtu. ent and Legislature. if it were considered a desirable thing to maintain an army in a state of effectiveness. He had stated the dif- ficulties of the case; but he was not prepared, at the present moment, to pro- pose a remedy for them. He was well aware that any change in the lung- established sj stein must be attended with peat difficulties. Yet, notwitlistand- ieig the difficulties, something must be done to unite the various branches of this department of the State under one head. He would not then go into any details of the remedy. He must deprecate any motion which would have the inju.ionts effect of interfering with the general, calm, consideratinn of the sub- ject. Ile could not but think, moreover, that any such Committee as that moved for might lead to interminable inquiries. He themefome hoped the ho- nourable baumiet who brought forward the motion would withdraw it, more especially as the honourable baronet must see that all had been done by bringing it forward which he could have desired.

Major CURTEIS, in reply to Lord George Lennox, defended the Toonour and impartiality of the Court.martiel. Lord GEORGE LENNOX, so explanation, said he never intended to impugn it.

Mr. O'CONNELL wished the motion to be withdrawn, as he objected to censure any man by a side-wind ; and his opinion was, that any attempt to censure Lord Brudenell directly would fail, because it ought to fail, utterly and entirely. The Court-martial had committed a lamentable error, though on principles of integrity.

Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH expressed his willingness to withdraw his motion.

MS SPEAKER put the question, and said the" Noes " have it ; but Mr. CECIL FORESTER cried out, " The Ayes have it," and a division took place; when the motion was negatived, by 322 to 42. [ The Morning Chronicle mentions, that Mr. Forester himself voted with the" Noes," and was reprimanded by the SPEAKER for the inde- cency of his conduct.]

3. THE IRISH POOR.

The Order of the Day having been moved on Wednesday,

Mr. POULETT ScRDPE rose to propose a string of resolutions on the state of the Irish Poor, and the necessity of taking immediate measures for their relief. He prefaced his motion by a speech of considerable length ; in which he expressed his gratification at the abandonment of Malthusian doctrines by many who had once professed them, and at the progress of opinions in favour of extending a system of Poor-laws to Ireland. He then remarked upon the culpable delay of the Govern- ment in not being prepared with a specific measure, especially as they had received the Final Report of the Commissinners before Easter, and as there was an intimation in the King's Speech that an Irish Poor- bill would this session be laid before Parliament- " Three years have been already consumed in cautious inquiries and investi- gations. How many more years of suffering are the wretched people of Ire- land to endure, while the Government is procrastinating this subject, and on the plea of the necessity of caution, inquiry, and deliberation, are deliberating on every other conceivable subject under the sun except this one most pressing and supremely important one? Let us recollect that, while we delay our deli- berations, the Irish are starving ! I will not enter into the details of all the horrors of which the evidence collected by the Commission is full. But this I may say, that by that evidence and the report that accompanies it, it has now been proved, on the authority of a Royal Commission of Inquiry, that there exists in the heart of the British dominions—within the bosom of this country which so proudly vaunts its superior intelligence, wealth, general comfort, and, above all, its institutions for the benefit of the people—a depth and extent of misery, a mass of human suffering, unparalleled in any other country, savage or civilized. And is nothing to be done? No one now disputes that Ireland must have a Poor-law ! No one now, I imagine, will contend, after the Report of the Commission, that it must not be a complete measure, going the full length of all that I, or any of the most zealous advocates of the principle, have ever asked—the full length of affording relief to every class of the desti- tute poor of Ireland—of affording a security that no one in that countiy need starve from want. I never had the least doubt that when once the subject was fully investigated by reasonable men, whatever their prepossessions may have previously been, that it would be discovered that nothing less than this could be offered. I have never asked for or proposed more. The principle, then, being conceded on all hands that the poor of Ireland must no longer he allowed to starve for want of relief if infirm—of the means of earning their livelihood la, the sweat of their brow if willing to work, it only remains to consider how this principle is to be walked out. And here with the light afforded by the recom- mendations of the Commissioners, by the experience of England and Scotland through two centuries, and, above all, by the searching examination and pa ac- tical experience we have had of the English amended system under the Amend- ment Act, I cannot see any such extraordinary difficulties in our way to mike it necessary to postpone the consideration of the question to another session, and render ourselves responsible for protracting the agonies of the Irish poor for another twelvemonth. But if all cannot be done, at least is there nothing that can be done?"

If a complete measure could not be introduced this session, some preparatory steps might at least be taken-

" Without presuming to dictate to his Majesty's Government as to what they should or should not do, I will venture to say, that the least that can he done is to bring forward and pass such bills as may be required to enable the Government to appoint a Poor-law Board, which shall immediately comnience its preliminary surveys and valuations, &c. ; to commence without a day's delay the emigration of the redundant labourers, and the building of such hos- pitals, infirmaries, asylums, and other public buildings, as must be wanted; leaving it to a measure of next session to determine among what precise parties, and in what proportions the expense of these arrangements should be divided. A liberal expenditure on public works, and some steps for employing the prior extensively on the country roads, bridges, bogs, &c. ought to be instantly adopted. This is the least that can be done towards mitigating the immediate pressure of the frightful evils the Commissioners have brought before our view, and laying the foundation of those complete measures which mature considera- tion will no doubt enable the Government to frame during the next recess."

Mr. Scrope concluded by moving the following resolutions-

" That the Commissioners appointed by his Majesty to inquire into the con- dition of the Poorer Classes in Ireland, having finally reported, in which Re- port it is stated, among other facts- " 1. That 'a great portion of the labouring population of Ireland are in- sufficiently provided with the common necessaries of life ; ' that not less than 2,385,000 persons of that class are in distress, and require relief for thirty weeks in the year, owing to want of work ;'

"2. That the wives and children of many are obliged reluctantly, and with , shame, to beg ;'

"3. " That mendicancy is likewise the sole resource of the aged and Im- potent of the poorer classes in general, whereby encouragement is given to idle- ness, imposture and general crime.' " And the imposture, having recommended several legislative measures

fur the cure of these appalling evils-

" This House is of opinion that no time should be lost in taking such steps as may tend to relieve this large portion of his Alajesty's subjects front so cala- mitous a condition."

Mr. S. O'BRIEN pressed upon Ministers the necessity of proceeding immediately with some measures of relief— Upon no subject was there a greater concurrence of opinion than that it was the bounden duty of Parliament to provide a remedy. Even the Irish landlords were prepared to acquiesce in a modified system of Poor-laws; and was Go- vernment alone to be the party which had formed no opinion on this great ques- tion? If they had indeed formed no opinion, they were unfit for their offices; if they bad, why did they resist the introduction of a measure, unless, indeed, some Members of the Cabinet were determined to oppose such a measure to the last? He believed that they would oppose it this year and next year, and every year, until they were coerced into compliance. On the subject of Emigration all parties were united : they were united aa to the relief of the aged and im- potent : but Government was yet unprepared to submit any direct proposition. If this were a party question, the benches would be filled; but when it was one in which the welfare of millions was involved, it was lamentable to see that they were almost completely deserted.

Lord Motteern said, that some of the strictures he had heard on the conduct of Government had not been prompted by a candid or con- ciliatory spirit— lie was most willing to admit that the hideous nature of the evils which pre- vailed amongst the poor classes in Ireland called earnestly for redress. He thought no duty inure utgent on the Government and the Parliament than to devise a remedy for them. But he could not conceal from himself, at the same time, that the mode in which that duty was to be discharged, and that remedy concocted and introduced, was a most difficult and delicate question ; and in the event of any mistaken views being adopted, or evil steps taken in its settle- ment, a most hazardous and dangerous one. He had only further on this occa- sion to say, that his Majesty's Government were not leaving this question at rest. They not only did not forego its consideration, but they were now en- gaged in determining the proper and necessary steps to be taken for its adjust- ment ; and at the fitst moment when they were in a condition to propose each a general measure as they could recommend to the adoption of Parliament on their own responsibility, that moment they would do so without subterfuge or delay. Therefore, on a subject of this great importance and complexity, upon which so many novel considerations were brought under the attention of Go- vernment by the Report of the Commissioners, he could nut give any pledge that a tneastue would be limmediatele brought forward to meet the great ends which they had in view ; but, assuring the House that thine would be as little delay in introducing such a measure as circumstances would Arun, he umet re- fuse his assent to the motion of the honourable Member for Stroud, and call on the House to go on with the other Orders of the Day.

Mr. W. ROCHE and Mr. J. GRATTAN thought that Mr. Scrope should withdraw his motion, upon the assurance of Lord Morpeth that the Government was occupied with a measure on the subject.

Mt. SHARMAN CRAWFORD supported Mr. Scrope's motion ; and expressed his regret that Mr. O'Connell was absent nom the dis- cussion.

Mr. SCROFE said, that Lord Morpeth's reply was of so gratifying a description, that he should not press his motion : but he wished to ask Lord John Russell, (who was not in the House whilst Lord Alorpeth was speaking, but had now come in,) whether it was nut intended to introduce some measure this session ?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that it was not intended to introduce any measure this session-

1t) that declaration, however, he did not wish it to be understood that time Govertinmeet was precluded front introducing some initiatory measure on the subject, if the iesult of the inquiries which they were now engaged in making-, from persons perfectly competent to supply them with the requisite information, proved that such a course was advisable.

The motion %vas then withdrawn.

4. THE LADIES' GALLERY.

Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY moved, on Tuesday, that the report of tbe Committee of last sbseion, which recommended that a portion of the Strangers' Gallery should be set aside for ladies, should be adopted, together with the pialti of Sir Robert Stnirke ; ;tad that directions should be given to that architect to proceed as speedily as possible with the execution of that plan, at such hours as would [mat ititt•rfere with the business of the House. Mr. Berkeley said, that be had never heard a single reason worth notice against the admission of ladies, pro- vided they ware so placed as not to interfere with the despatch of public business— lie did not know what might be the case with other Members, but he was sure that their presence would make no difference in his thoughts. (A laugh.) There might certainly be honoutable gentlemen of a more inflammable nature; but he did think that was an objection which would be setiously urged. For his part, lie was persuaded that if ladies were once admitted into theGallei y, much good would he the result ; and especially that, in many cases, debates would not be so )rolenged as they were at present. It bad indeed been alleged, that if ladies were present, many honourable Members, who were not new in the habit of speaking, would hold forth, and at considerable length; but he did not think that eitell would be the case. On the contrary, in his opinion many honour- able Members, who spoke much better in the newspapers than they did in that House, would abstain from speaking, if ladies were present to judge of the com- parative merits of their spoken and their reported speeches. (A laugh.) Knowing, however, that almost every honourable Member who was listening to hint wished to dine, and anticipating no objection to his immediate proposi- tion, he would detain the House no longer.

Mr. POTTER hoped the motion would be agreed to : he really could see no objection to it— The plan had been already tried in both Houses of Parliament—in that House when the Lords occupied it; and no objections were urged against it, that he ever heard of. In the ventilator of the old House of Cmnnions, every evening, ladies had been seen listening to the proceedings, without any objection being made, or its being considered improper. Females were as much inte- rested in the proceedings of Parliament as the other sex! and if any portion of them were desirous of hearing the debates, why should they be prevented ? It was well known and acknowledged by all, that they possessed very great in- aluence in society; and it was, surely, of importance that they should be treated 'as rational beings, and he enabled to exercise that influence properly. The beneficial influence of a virtuous and enlightened mother over her sun gene rally continued through life; and why should she, if her son were in Parlia- ment, be prevented from hearing the manner in which he discharged his duty ? Why should the wife of a Member be prevented from hearing the debate ? During the session of 1833 and 1834, he had repeatedly observed honourable Members take their wives and daughters into the ventilator, particularly when subjects of importance were under discussion; and he felt convinced they would not have done so had they supposed the least injurious consequences to have followed. In the Chamber of Deputies at Paris, the front seats of the galleries were appropriated for ladies; be had repeatedly seen them there, and they ap- teared to take an equal interest in the proceedings ; and he had never seen the ast appearance of levity in their behaviour. In Congress Hall, at Washing. too, they were admitted ; and he understood, also, at other legislative assem- blies. Surely in this country they were not going to act on exclusive and Oriental principles towards the female sex.

Mr. KEARSLLY hoped that every Member of the House who was blessed with daughters would negative this idle and most ridiculous proposition. Dr. Bowaneo said, that in other countries no evil had resulted from allowing the presence of ladies in legislative assemblies— In the German States, they were admitted ; and their presence had not bens finind in any respect to hinaer the "Ingress of publie bitainess. On the con- trary, their influence, as on all other OCCitsiUllS, had been found fsieadly as decorum, and fi iendly to the bridling of the manly pass- a. (A loud laugh.) The character of femelem in this cuuntry stood so high, that he wits persuaded no improper language would be used in their presence, and therefore that they would exercise salutary control.

Mr. O'CONNELL could inform the House, that the ladies were allowed to be present at the debates iti the lrish Parliament— At that time hospitalities of a particular kind prevailed in !Primal; and the consequence of theme hospitalities was, that many 'Menthe's came &trek to the House: the remedy proposed IN ilii that ladies should he admitted. This was tried; and from that liniment trot a aitigle Member Wits seen di took. He did omit mean to say that there existed the saute te I•011‘ for admitting the ladies into that House—(Laughter)—enhotly ever came drunk to that Hemel—hut at all events, he thought there existed no good reason why they should be excluded.

Mr. Vituras said, that lie was not blessed with daughters, nor did he feel himself under any perilli or necessity of " In idlieg the mainly pas- sions ; " and therefore, perhaps, he might he considered an impartial judge of the question before the House.

The change which it was proposed to make might lie considered an organic change. (Laughter.) In the first place, however, he wil- hut aware that it WWI called for. He was not aware that any exeitement exieed a llllll rg ladies on the subject ; he was not aware that any patitintes had beim present...1 from them respecting it. Ile certainly did not see t hat itti■ liarm could result from the admission uf ladies into the Gallery. Bin would the thing end there? (A laugh.) Were there no ulterior views? The ladies might wish to be admitted into the Library on other apartments; they might wi-li to peel) niattere further ep —( Laughter, and cries o .' Order ! ")—and how was the admissiun rif ladies to to be regulated? It would be impassible to admit as many ladies as there were Members of the Howse. WdS the selee ' to be vested in the Secretary of State for the Home Department? (A laugh.) If so, the noble lord might subject himself to the charge of giving an undue preference to ladies of a pecu- liar description ; he might be accused of bring influenced in his choice by corrupt motives. He hoped that if alt. Berkeley really intended to introduce a bill on the subject, he would not do so in the preeent esterati : he hoped the honourable Member uould give an opportunity of' letting the mattei be can- vassed in all the populous towns of the kingdom. To IIIIII it appeal ecl to be so difficult to understand all the bearings of the stihjeet, th it he did not think that in fewer than three sessions it would be possible to comprehend them all. ( Laughter.) Mr. BERKELEY declared that he had no ulterior views; and he hoped the House would accede to the motion.

A division took place : for admitting the ladies, 132; for excluding them, 90; majority for the ladies, 42. A brief discussion took place, as to whether the motion referred to the present or the new House ; and it was agreed to poetpose the fur- ther consideration of the subject to the next day ; when, however, no- thing seems to have been done in the matter.

5. Tile Buocur.

Last night, the House resolved itself into a Committee of Ways and Aleans, to hear the financial statement of the Chancellur of the Ext.betper.

A I r. Seal NG It le 1'. began his speech by all to Om difficulties by which a Finance Minister was stir:minded, especially when be had a surplus at command, and was expected to take off taxes. Indeed it was more difficult to take off than to lay on a tax : in the letter case, you had generally hut one interest to deal with ; but a great variety of parties urged their chiims for a reduetion of their !mother burdens. He observed that reduction of expenditure was one of' the first duties of Government ; and showed since 1815, the slumber of persona etnployed in public establishments had been redured from :27,365 to 23 570, and their salaries from 3,763,000/ to 2,786.0001. This proved that there was a disposition to retrenchment. Ile referred to his estimate last session of the income and expenditure of the country for the year end- ing 5th April 1836, and compared it with time actual results- " I calculated last year that the Custoine' revenue would produce twenty millions: the actual receipt ha'. been 20.539 0001., exceeding by half a million the amount estimated. I calculated the Exciee at 13.270,000/. : the receipt Was 13,440 000/., exceeding by 171,000/. the amount calettleted. The Stamps, at 6 980,000/. ; they produced 7031.0001., being an increa,e .1 71,000/. The Post-uffice I calculated at 1,500,000/. : it produced 1,531 000L, ahowicg an increase of 51.000/. Upon the Miscellaneous Eatimates there was a halance against the receipts of 24,0d0/. ; but, on the whole, the receipts exceed my calculations by the ("UM of 830,000/. This shows, that upon similar data and principles, calculating the amount of the revenue for the next year, the House may have some reliance on my calculations." He proceeded to the expeediture side of the Recount ; from which it appeared that there was a small inert rise in the Navy, and an excess of 292,000/. in the Army. But Air. Rice explained, that this arose, not from exceeding the estimate, but from all 1111Vallee out of the military chest to a bt :Itch of the Civil service, which would be repaid. la other respects, his estimate of expenditure held good, within very snail sums. The income and expenditure of the current financial year were next adverted to. The income, in round numbers, Air. Rice calettlated at 46,980,0001., being an excess over that of last year of 510,0001.; the expenditure, at 46,318.0001, leaving a surplus of 662,0001. He gave the following particulars of the estimated expenditure- " I calculate the expenditure for the present year, on account of the Debt, exclusive of the West India Loan, at 30,620,000/. The Army vote of last year was 6,481,000/. ; that for the ple.ent year I estimate at 6.327,0001. The Navy vote of last year was 4,099,000/. ; this year form circumetances which were alluded to by my honourable friend at the time he made Ids statement, there has been an inctease in the Navy grant of 431 0001. which makes it 4,533,000/. The Ordnance Estimates of last year were 1.273 000/. ; the present 1,263,000/. ; 'eduction 10.000/. The abecellaireous Estimates of last year were 2,202.000/. The; aliecellaneous vote fitr the resent year was 2,461,000. ; showing a total incleaee of expeaditure, exclusive of the West India giant, of 403.100/. Now, Sir, I will endeavour to generalize and bring into a small compaes the result of the figures a hich it may have been pa:nfid to follow me in. The total income estimated for 1836-37 is 46 980,000/. ; the expenditure, exclusive of charge fur the West India grant, is 45,205,807/. show- ings surplus of 1,774,193/." • • • • • Gentlemen who had liatemd to this statement, and who were thus aware that the country possemed this sur- plus, should not on that accouut come to the conclusion that they should at

mwe pertOriti thuee aver of justice which the Dowse of Cumulous was duubtless anxious should be citified into execution ; they eltould not consider that they should add twenty minium. to the present debt, for the country could not afford to make such sacrifices, and yet reserve the surplus he had atoned fur the purmeies of tsitation.

Mr. Rice then explained, that lie should require a sum not exceed- ing 1,107,863/. on lIel'011Ilt Of the Weat India Loan ; and this would reslaee his belance to 662,330/.

The state of trade and the general condition of the country were the next topics in Mr. Rice's speech. lie referred in the first piece to the indications of prosperity afforded by the amount of imports and exports

He had in his hand a tahle comparing the state of the trade of the country at two different period, talk,' he had divided into ter iti4 of four years each, front the year 1828 to 1831, and from the year 1832 to tlw close of the year lect'i; 'and he would e. ay attention to the results of the statement he would read from the paper, in all to tin value of the imports and exports of the most extensive manufactured produce tutiu rind into the United Kingdom, altil Item and into our COIOSial settlements awl foreign nations; and lw would then refer to the frit value of these impoits and et:poi ta. lit the lust four years, the aYe rage amount of imports, in official value, Wei 46,2430/01. , and in the last four years the avelage amount %vas 47.!.!o:1,coot. ; ,:htmed an increase int the feet four years to the amount of 9:it1.0001. in official velne. The exports, in ()tfiriel value, in the first four yea's, ultich he had on his amottlitid to 67,674,000/., and in the last four )1..il■ 1110txj,u,ut lnIull!ltt41 1:1) s:1, I I 4,000/. , Which exhillited an increase 011 t lu 1.1ht but >eats of no less a sum than 15,440,000/. Do a former occasion, when lie had made iuuui tar state•• ments, on sooner had his figures 'wen submitted to the !louse than honour- able Menthols It iii lid that they showed an increase in the litiantily of goods, but not all actual increase in trade : hut now, from the altetation In the price of the couluwtlL, as well as the increase in tplantizy, thew tea.' en int•re,e OIl taolip.111S011 a Ow declared value, which, a:wand:J.1i to tki,5a1,004., 111111 in the >eat 1,s:t:), to .1 1,•278,000/ ; thus showing an increase during the last feta s *to the ihelared value amounting to 4 '261,01101, w I1.4 the increase on the oflivial value, for four y...irs, u.:1,4 15, 1.10,Otatf. Ile w,rild say, therefore, that if the country was blessed with the continuation el the system u kWh had Iii to those I e-tilts, the lovers of their roundly could not lint antieipate 'I., the foliate grt..Itcr prOlielity for it.1 intetests than even the past had been marked by.

l'he exports of linen had been augmented over thttse of last year by 20 per emit. ; comet twomfactures, 7 per cent. ; hardware, :23 per

cent. ; Silk, 6 per et itt ; woollens, 1;-+ per cent. This was the increase as indicated hy the expolts but, to ;:ive an id, a of the vial ilwit.iee of the trude of th: country, lie must take into calculation the 'WOW 11111- Stitnpti011 ; alld e Maallil I heti: fOlehll to the imports of raw materials. The average consumption el cotton wool, for immure, for the ten years between 1816 and IS.,, %%iis 1:;:■,009,111111.1 pounds )1:1' bin fin. the last tett years it hod been anion.11y oil the average ;155, 97,1,0,10 pounds. There was so:tte IlilLiug t;ti. in the imports of certain articles, especially brandy ; hilt this was 4,%%1111: to the exorbi- tant duty ; the (Leek:ivy in the consumption of brandy had, however, been ntittle up hy iiii incrcie-e of tlIA of lionie spit i fs. Tii:. state of the glove trade 111111 the silk trade prov.,1, that Mr. iltisl.e1 had t:et.t1 sound principles w lit it lie reduced the duty I!!! GIP fott.i;:; 0.311111:w:ores and the raw mater i..1 :a the same ti,lie. .1 he iinpuit kill.,hias and of raw silk had been 11111eh tlit'at hitt. tin• hl luhVl111!11 bilk matatifamitres ha:1 becti hiuu,Ltd. Fite itato.,vem,att iii tlw fo- reign trade had extended to Irelatel. In Dublin, the Cu-tom-duties in 1833 were 576.00N. in belif; allthoutti. in 1. :it. 1:=•1,1a;.1/. in 1833, last year 3ia,ftlitt. ; in Cork, 1.19.0.thi. III la,t1:3„ List year 86,0011. ; and there was a direct trade sprilq4ieg tt1i helween IR land and China.

The cost of colleetieg the revenue, :Yin It lip stated to have been reduced, since 1822. from 10/. 15s. :Id. per cent. to 5/. I7s. :341. per rent. Taking the Excise returns as his guide, lie found that there Itad been last year Lou increased consumption varying from -I to per cent. on the following articles over the average of the three preceding years,--Auctions, Bricks, Class, flops, Licences, Malt, Paper, Soap, Spirits, and Vinegar. The increase itt Malt was .1.595.000 hwhiels ; and he estimated the duty for the curl cult year at 5,650,0h0/. effect of reducing the duty on Flint Wass from 64/. to 2d. had been very beneficial to the trade. The consumption of Irish Spirits had in- creased last year, over the average of the three preceditig years, by

2,549,000 gallons. Other intlitattions of the improving state of the country, might be found in the diminution of insolvenci. s awl of com- mitments for crime, in the reduction of the poor. rates, rind in the in- creased deposits in savings bunks, all of which were very considerable. It was also a source of agreeable anticipation, that the Dead-weight was in u course of gradual reduction : since 1827 it had been di- minished by 479,2621. per annum.

Mr. Rice now proceeded to state how he should dispose of his sur- plus of 662,000/. Ile proposed to reduce, after the 10th of October, the duty on First Class Paper from 3d. to I d. per pound, and to abolish the duty on Stained Paper; this would occasion u loss this year of 125,000. The loss on the Post-office under the lieW ar- rangement with France, would be 20,000/. ; on the proposed altera- tion in the Probate Duties, 20,000/. ; on South Sea bouts, 10,000/. With regard to the Newspaper Stamps, lie announced his determina- tion to reduce time tax from 4d. to Id without discount. Ile refused to propose to the House to take off the tax entirely, because he said it would be useless: with a surplus of 662,000/, the House never would consent to give up 400,000/. to the newspapers. As a reason for reducing the tax, he referred to the impossibility of protecting the fair dealer by the utmost severity of law, as long as the premium for illicit dealing was so high. The evil effect of the continued and successful resistance to the law was also to be considered. Ile proposed to reduce the tax from the 5th of July next ; and this, he cal- en!ated, would cause a loss to the revenue, on the three quarters, of 1.50,000/. In order to relieve the Irish press, he should propose au al- teration in the Advertisement-duty; which, if it succeeded, might be extended to England. He intended to reduce the duties on Insurances of Farming Stock, 20,000/.; and on Tatted Carts, 5,000/. This would altogether bring his reduction up to 351,000/.; and he was not prepared to go further.

mention, that he intended to take off the additional duty on Spirit Licences.

Mr. floats.: was not alarmed at the speculations afloat, so long as the Bank of Eogland continued to act with caution. Ile was glad the Newspaper-duty was reduced ; but was convinced that the whole 400,000/. might be safely taken off.

Mr. DoutatttaN thought that more notice should have been taken of the Debt ; tlw charge on %%Lich, imi point of fact, had not been dimi- nished.

Mr. ROBINSON denied that the free trade system bad been advan- tageous. The iron trade was most particularly flourishing under the prohibitory system.

Sir Roatavr Praa. thought that it Ivould be politic to see if they could not reduce the tax on Raw Cotton, before it was filially settled what taxes should be reduced. Ile was very much struck with the number of absurd speculations afloat, and advocated caution.

6 Mr. Pooliarr Tliosisos: took the same course ; and ridiculed the " Patent Paddle Company," the " Beet Root Sugar Company," and others of the same stamp.

Als. 11. Arrw000 (hailed that inereuse of trade proved prosperity: it %vas profit that ought. to be looked to.

Mr. Sett( it Rua: replied. In answer to sonic observations of Mr. Gondbunt on the Newspaper subject, he said that in .1nly hist he was in co lllll itutittath»I with gentlemen who professed to appear for the 7'imes, the Glohe, the Standard, Ow Sun, the Courier, the Morning Ad- rertiser, and other papers : he bad sleet! been in e0111111111lient ion with several of the s;:nie parties; and lie suppoetel that they still continued to represent the IlltereStS. This was the origin of his belief in the concurrence of the stamped press generally in his newspaper ar- rangements.

A resolution, granting 8,000,000/. out of the Consolidated Fund, was then agreed to ; and the Committee rose.

Miscet.amettous SUBJECTS.

IRISH ErcLESI A STU! I, COMMISSION. Last night, on the motion of the Earl of NIVON, tile Lords ordered a return of the funds in posses- sion of the Itish Erclesiastical Commissioners.

Lord Al ealtalat X I: did Ina object to the return ; but took occasion to reatatk, that tithes were the property not of ;my set of men, but of the whole community, who were connected togAier by the same bond of faith.

COMMUTATION Or TITHES. In the House of Common.:, on Mon- day, thirty-tin cc chili-es of the Enelish Tithe Bill were agreed to itt Committee; aftc la In if diseussion, the report of which in the daily papers is scarcely intelligible. The Committee is to sit again on Monday next.

Pewit! 'WALKS. Mr. Bri.KINUAIANT, on IVeditestlay, moved the second ruadii:g ot hi Puldie 1Vall.s 1;111. Mr. Tooke opposed it, as a piece of absurd awl riditadutts ulihlumig with htgislititimm. Alr. ALLY

KNI1:111. tip portcti the bill. Air. lhaatrs IluntiEs 11101T1I that the I ba counted. This tva.s. dote` ; 1111d only 3S .11entbers being pre-

sent, inljtmr:i.ocitt took place immediately.

prima M I AMWAY S. Tilt. Silerili's of London appeared at the bar on Wethiesday, and presented petitions from the Common Council

praying that the I Inuit South- Western J un ti on Railway and the Smith Durhaan ILillwity iills might 1i:ism into laws.

Alderman Wool) moved that the Members for the Aletropolitau Boneighs, awl for Middiesex, Essex, Kent,mul Sorry, might be added to the t tointnittee on the first- named bill.

Mr. I. IITON, Mr. Psasa, and Mr. ARTHUR TREVOR objected to this proposition for swamping the Committee. Mr. LAMBTON added, that the petitions had reference to a charge against certain owners of coal-mines, that they had enteled into a monopoly to enhance the price of coals in the London market ; but he dared Alderman Wood to prove the charge.

Mr. Alderman W000 replied, that he was not frightened by Mr. Latubton's denunciations, and dared do any thing for the advantage of his constituents— It was the opinion of the majority of the citizens of London, from the regu- lations entered into by the owners of collieries in the county of Durham, that a monopoly existed ; and they were fortified in their opinion from the proceed- ings at a meeting which he had seen reported in the Durham paper, which de- monstrated that those who attended were endeavouring, by every means, to surest the progiess of these railroads; which, from the facilities they would afford, must tend to reduce the price of coals, and break up the combination that had been entered into for regulating the supply. however, as the impres- sion of the flume appeared to be against his motion, he would not press it fur- ther on their consideration.

The motion was then withdrawn.

Grdiscow AND FALKIRK RAILWAY BILL This bill Was read a second time on Monday, on the motion of Major CUMMING BRUCE.; after some opposition from Mr. WAI.LACE. Dr. Bownuao and Sir GEORGE CLERK were also adverse to the bill, but thought it unfair to prevent its being considered in Committee.

DUBLIN STEAM PACKET COMPANY. On Thursday, after some op- position from Sir MICHAEL SIIAW STEWART, Mr. O'CONNELL WaS allowed to present a petition for leave to bring in a bill (in the place of that which the House threw out on the third reading) to authorize the Dublin Steam Packet Company to increase their capital. He

i

stated, that the IleW bill would differ from the rejected one n this material point, that it made the responsibility of the shareholders un- limited. The petition was received, and referred to the Committee on the Standing Orders.

Sfax or NEWSPAPERS. Mr. GOULBURN, on Tuesday, presented a petition from the publishers of the Times, the Morning Post, the Morning Herald, and the Standard, against the proposition of Mr. Spring Rice to charge double sheets of newspapers with double duty. The allegation and prayer of the petition were similar to those of the petition presented last week by Lord Lyndhurst to the House of Peers. Mr. GOULBURN was proceeding to argue at some length en the merits of the question raised by the petitioners, but was called to order by the SPEAKER. Mr. SWUNG Ries said, that if the charges against him contained in the petition were correct, he was most unworthy not only to be Chan- cellor of the Exchequer, but to be a Member of the House and to associate with gentlemen. It was alleged, that in order to favour the Mornina Chronicle, and to injure the Anti. Ministerialpapers, he had selectea the size of the former journal as the limit at which the penny duty should be levied ; all above the size of that paper being rendered liable to an advanced duty ; and double sheets, which the Chronicle never or seldom published, to double duty. But he would put himself on his defence, not before the Howie, but before Mr. Goulburn; and by his decision he would stand or full. Ile would tell the, 11011Se diatinetly, and upon his honour, that before he had stated what be had done with respect to the intentim of the Gover lllll ent as to the duly on a single !IWO, lie had told the officers of the Stanap-ufliee to mea- sure the largest single sheet. And why should he take the largest single sheet ? Why, herause it would comprehend the less Anil he could assure the House, upon his honour, that at the time he stated that he did not know what paper it woul.i Alert, or what it would not. Well, but that was not all ; he would go a step further, iu order to !thew the le ineil& on whirl' he had acted. The next communication he received came from the propaietors of newspaper, themselves : be had been in communication with those who ivpresented the pe- titioners, and also in constant communication with the committee of the pro- prietors of re wspapers ; and he never was more astoni,Inal in his life -all the arrangements having been made at their own suggestions-- ( (.re,it )- - they kilownw every step that had been taken—than at the pi (-saltation of a pe-

tition ii vie him in persolial charges—from the very men who knew ()revery step that had been taken, and had given it their sanction. It was rep, ',voted

to hint by the very parties that there were some papers of one form and seine of another ; and it was said, if you lix a certain dimensi lllll you will create great inconvenience, and von will compel several establishments to alter their machinery. Nadi heing the ease, he proposed to them to take the Ill glut newspaper; with which they were perfretly. satisfied. It was almost, in point uf fact, at the very suggest; llll of the retitiooers themselves, that the arrange- ment %yid' respect to the size was come to: and that was made the ground of strong ittliiii.olvev.ioo upon him I It. was informed that in the country there were much larger papers titan any in London ; and he found that the largest was a Yorkshire paper,I he politics of whieh he did not know ; upd therefore he took that as his guide, so that the parties might have the benefit of the largest. New, his scheme of legislation on this subject might be it very bad outs but at any rate he had authority for it— lieu Iigilt honourable friend (Mr. ( Mulburn) proposed a bill in )sO); and his right honottrahle ft lend, who had plcsestted this petition, was the very person who introduced this very clause. lie hold the clause in his 11311,1-- Mr. Goo]. burn should have it- he should have it in his irosession. Tim only difference between that clause and his was, that whilst that clause restricted tbe maxi- mum size of the sheet at inches II)' :NI, his gave a maximum it .13 incites bv W. There was tills dilh.rence between them, that the maximum of Mr. Coullmul I gave a super fives of r4:27 inches, his gave a morel-flees of I ,)30 inches.

I e. Goil.nritN intended to throw no imputation on Mr. Rice. With respect to the clause to which Mr. Rice referred, it was not in his Stamp ;let. He leitt never contemplated a provision for regulat- ing thV Ilinletr- Mils of newspapers ; :Old he could not fairly be held re- siaae-ilde for any accideotal copy of a document hound in his (Ake, especially when he did not thijik lit to adopt its suggestions. The petition was then laid on the table'.

A Dior 1:NMENT lii iii a Horst:. Lord Joust It cssrl.f.

4)11 Tuesday, that he nitl.11ded to propose an adjournment of the I loose from the -20th to the :totli instant.