TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE FIRST WEEK OF THE ELECTIONS. THE METROPOLIS.
Tisa contest for which we have been so long preparing has at last casstmenced in good earnest. Parliament is dissolved ; talking
ersest now give way to action ; and our next Number will show 111-.? of the more important results of the First Election under the New Charter.
The Metropolitan Districts take the lead.. The electoral body tlgoughout the whole country look earnestly to their brother free men in London and it:; vicinity, for an example of discretion in the choice, and energy in the support of candidates, whose character both public and private is unblemished—who unite experience of
the business of life to accomplishment in the science of legislation—whe are real Reformers, and have been conspicuous for their patriotism, public-spirit, and self-denial, in times of difficulty and danger. If such men are to be found anywhere, the first tity in the empire has clearly a right to their 'services. We shall ascertain in the course of three or four days, whether the voters in the new constituencies are worthy of the name of Englishmen, or whether their late acquisition of political rights has served only to stigmatize and expose them as cowardly and corrupt. We cannot for a moment believe the latter. But still we think it right to seize upon the only opportunity now left us before the elections commence, once more to warn our fellow countrymen against shallow but noisy pretenders, selfish and corrupt intriguers, and those who are bound body and soul to a party, which is not the party of the People, awl thus, by being little better than slaves themselves, are totally disqualified for representing freemen. We would wish, then, most strongly to impress upon the electors at the present moment, the all-important fact, that by the passage of the Reform Bill we have secured ample means for maintaining ead extending popular rights, for controlling the illegal influence of the Aristocracy, and restraining, when necessary, the power and ambition of the Crown. The vessel of State is already launched ; the commander and officers have been appointed; it remains to the People to famish the crew. She should be manned from the prow to the stern, from the keel to the sky-scrapers, not with dandy lordlings and superannuated dotards, but with hardy and well-trained mariners—all ready to fight to their last gasp for the love of their country, not for pay or promotion. In other words, the time has arrived when the Nation is called upon to choose representatives, who will fearlessly and steadily set about the great work of Retrenchment and Reform—thus proving to their constituents and the world, that the Charter of 1832 is not a dead letter in the statute-book, but an efficient instrument of good government and extensive improvement. We have said above, that the People should be upon their guard against shallow and noisy pretenders. These men, wild in theoty and raw in practice, may be easily distinguished. They are usually fond of vague generalities and high-sounding expressions, which have no definite meaning. They strive to gratify the mean by insults on the high; and their chief claim to popularity lies in their readiness to vilify established authority. They are mere smatterers in the nobler branches of the science of politics, which embraces for its object the happiness of mankind. Neither do they make up for their want of enlarged views by their knowledge of detail. Thus, when Mr. Hume talks of saving between two and three millions per annum, Mr. WAKLEY sees no difficulty in saving ten times as much. Mr. MURPHY would effect a reduction of four times the amount of the Assessed Taxes, or nearly twenty-one millions, out of the Pension-list, the Royal expenditure, the Army, and the Sinecures ; which, however, do notaltogether cost the Nation more than eleven millions per annum. Colonel STANHOPE, who ought to know better, is almost as visionary, though not so violent, as these would-be legislators. It is certain that such random politicians would be floored in the very first contest with an ordinary debater in the House of Commons. Their constituents would become heartily ashamed of them in the course of a month.
There may be a class of men so ignorant and thoughtless as to imagine that a state of constant excitement and agitation is the only healthy one for a great commercial country like England. But agitation in itself is an evil, though one which ought to be willingly submitted to on extraordinary occasions, for the sake of the important benefits which, as we have lately seen, it can be made an agent in producing. It is "a means to an end ;" and that end once obtained, the means should be laid aside till circumstances again call for its exorcise. It must be borne in mind, that there is a vest difference between agitation for its own _sake, and that constant watchfulness over the substantial welfare of the country, and activity to promote it, which form part of the abeolute duty of every good citizen. It is very proper and necessary to stimulate the members of a Reformed Parliament to use the means at their disposal for improving the condition of the country, but very absurd to be constantly insisting upon the advantage of arming ourselves with fresh political weapons, while those within our reach are suffered to rust for want of use.
The selfish and corrupt intriguers compose another class of candidates, against whom it is right that the electors should be warned. These men are by no means backward in assuming the guise of Reformers. If their past lives did not give the lie direct; to their present professions, we might almost conclude from the
language which they use in their speeches and advertisements, that the popular party never contained more zealous members.
That portion of them, indeed, who sat in the defunct Parliament were Reformers—for ten days. For while the Duke of WELLINGTON was chafiering with the political profligates of both Houses, in the expectation of forming a Ministry which would
enable him to keep out the Whigs, these worthies were prepared to go as far as the most sturdy Radical could desire. But when
their golden dreams of power and place had vanished, they made DO secret of their returning rancour and hostility to popular rights; but voted through thick and thin against the very Bill (the fifty
pound tenant-at-will clause included) which a few days before they were ready to pledge themselves to carry triumphantly through Parliament, provided only—that they were paid for doing so. Now, should it happen, through neglect or accident, in some borough, that there is no true Reformer in the field, and that one of these smooth-tongued traitors should come into competition with an honest old Tory—with one of those who would scorn to barter what he terms his principles for preferment—let not the electors hesitate for a moment whom to choose, but throw his tergiversation into the teeth of the placebeinter, and prefer even a bigot to a knave.
It is difficult to imagine how any one can be so consummate a blockhead as to believe for an instant that the feigned conversion of these trading politicians can be real or lasting. But if such credulous persons are to be found, we entreat them to cast their eyes over the organs of the Conservative party—to read the Post or the John Bull, Blackwood or the Quarterly, and compare the electioneering profession of liberality which candidates for popular support utter so glibly, with the hatred and abuse of free institutions, at home and abroad, which break forth in every page of the journals alluded to. Do not these writers consult the taste of their patrons?—Unquestionably they do. Are the political opinions of their patrons, then, really more liberal and enlightened than they were a twelvemonth ago?—It would require the matchless assurance of a Conservative candidate to reply to this question in the affirmative. Depend upon it, they are not merely Tories—we could pardon them that offence—but they are dishonest Tories, sneaking in their bigotry, and secret plotters against that re generatedconstitution''to which they profess fealty.
It is an often-quoted observation of BURKE, that "when bad men combine, the good must associate ; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice, in a contemptible struggle." The advantaue and necessity of such a union as is here recommended— namely, that of good men for honest purposes-.--is so evident, and its utility has been so especially demonstrated during the late' struggle for the Reform Bill, that it is almost superfluous to remind our readers, that in cautioning the electors against returning party men to the House of Commons, we allude only to those who have banded themselves together for strictly selfish purposes, or with the no less detrimental design of perpetuating agitation for the love of mischief. If a man is pledged to support or oppose the present Ministry through thick and thin,—if he is liable to be called to account for disobedience of instructions by Lord ALTHORP, Sir ROBERT PEEL, or Mr. O'CONNELL,— or if he knows not which way to vote until he has consulted a Charing Cross Committee, or the Council of some Political Union, —then it follows, that he is not independent himself, or competent to represent independent men in Parliament. Strenuous efforts are making by the monopolists to return their creatures to the House of Commons for some of the Metropolitan districts. But we would ask, whether the electors of the city of London are prepared to renew the Bank Charter or that of the East India Company? If not, what, in the name of common sense, should induce them to vote for Mr. LYALL? He is put forward expressly for the purpose of supporting, not of considering and dealing according to their deserts with these monopolies. Last. week, the whole city was clamorous for the repeal of the Assessed Taxes; but the tax on Tea, by means of its direct and indirect operation, is in fact a much heavier burden upon the middle and lower classes than the House or Window Tax. Now, the chief object in returning Mr. LYALL to Parliament, is to secure to the East India Company the power of taxing, for their exclusive benefit, the rest of the community, direetly to the extent of two millions, indirectly to the extent of four millions sterling per annum. Let Mr. LYALL, therefore, on the hustings, be required, as the condition of receiving one independent vote; to declare himself against the continuance of all monopolies, more especially that of the East India Company. This will show him in his real colours; for the shuffling and indistinct language of his truly Conservative address, is intended to leave us entirely in the dark as to his actual opinions. We would recommend the electors of Finsbury to put Mr. Sergeant SPA.NKIE to the same test. He is the hired advocate of the Tea Monopolists; and if he prefers his retainer to his seat, let him be compelled to say so. But let not the inhabitants of that important borough stultify themselves so far as to return the paid agent of the East India Company, in the expectation. that he will be the representative of their interests and opinions. It may be laid down as a rule which admits of no exception in the case of untried candidates, that it is as unsafe as unnecessary to elect those whose private interests may probably stand in the way of their performance of public duties. Let the electors make use of this test in their examination of the qualifications of each candidate. It will be found, we suspect, to be satisfactory and searching. " There are unquestionably many subjects of importance on which the Reformed 'Parliament will have to legislate, and with which the public, as yet, are very imlierfectly acquainted. To exact implicit pledges, therefore, from the various candidates to support or oppose any measure which falls under this class, would be absurd and impolitic. But there are others which have been the subject of discussion for many years, on which no new light can be shed, and on which the public mind has been long made up. One of them is the duration of Parliaments. An undertaking may be required from every member to promote the repeal of the odious Septennial Act. This was a point expressly reserved by Lord JOHN RUSSELL for the Reformed House of Commons.
On the subject of the Ballot, though it is probably almost settled as a scientific question, greater diversity of opinion still exists. The expediency of introducing it into our elections will very much depend upon the manner in which the Aristocracy conduct themselves at and after the ensuing contests. In our journal of last week, we drew the attention of our readers to the great advantage to be derived from a public exposure of the conduct of our representatives in the House of Commons, to be obtained by means of a record of their attendance, non-attendance, and votes, to be kept and published from day to day. We trust that this will not be lost sight of during the ensuing week. We took occasion also to recommend the propriety of requiring a promise from every candidate to resign his seat, whenever undoubted evidence should be afforded him that a majority of his constituents were dissatisfied with his conduct. This must appear to every one, we should think, to be a reasonable and proper arrangement. A member of the House of Commons has no business whatever in his seat, when he has ceased to represent those who placed him in it.
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