THE ENGLISH-SPEAKING NATIONS AND RACIAL CONSCIOUSNESS.
"1 and my brother quarrel with our cousin, but we and our Cousin stand against the world."—Auku PROVERB.
AS we write the decision of the Japanese, both as regards armaments and the Anglo-Japanese Treaty, has not been made public. All the indications, however, point to the Japanese behaving not only wisely in their own interests, but with a true instinct as to the essential unity of the English-speaking race. Unless, then, some accident of Fate intervenes, we may confidently expect that before our next issue two things will have been officially recorded. We shall learn, first, that the Japanese have accepted the American proposals in regard to Dis- armament and have agreed in essentials to the propor- tions 5 : 5 : 3. Next, we shall learn that, with the consent of Japan, the Anglo-Japanese Alliance has been abrogated. In addition, it seems extremely likely that we may find that a quadruple agreement (it is neither correct nor politic to call it an alliance) has been arranged between America, Britain, France and Japan for the preservation of peace and prosperity within the Pacific Ocean. • This four-sided pact, when translated into acts, will, in conformity with the Naval Disarmament Agreement, involve the cancelling of all schemes for the fortifica- tion of islands within the Pacific Ocean. Further, there is every ground for hoping thatdefinite and specific arrange- ments will be made in regard to the position of China under which the "open door" will be secured, not merely in name, but in fact, with equal treatment for all nations. At the same time, the future integrity and independence of China will be guaranteed and help afforded her to secure that internal order which is the only per- manent safeguard of national integrity and independence. These results would by themselves be enough to make the Washington Conference and its convener, President Harding, famous for all time. But they do not stand by themselves. Vastly important for the welfare of mankind as these are, there is another result which, though not proclaimed in protocols, enshrined in treaties or set forth in diplomatic papers, will transcend even Naval Disarma- ment and the pacification of the Pacific. That result is nothing less than the making manifest to both branches of the English-speaking race that they can " get together " for good without sacrificing any of their independence, without any form of entangling or other alliance, and without any diplomatic, legal or other rigid pact. The English-speaking peoples throughout the habitable world have suddenly understood the meaning of race-conscious- ness. That race-consciousness was born at Washington under the wise and prudent care of President Harding. But it was not only through President Harding, though he was its first inspirer, that this miracle of enlightenment and of the sympathy of comprehension became vital and creative. The work could not have been done without the full acquiescence of the great Democratic Party. To their eternal honour, the Democratic Party did much more than merely acquiesce in the President's mighty project. They co-operated as well as acquiesced. There- fore, they can claim a full share in the great work. History
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will record their unselfish assistance and good will. Presi- dent 'Harding will, we are certain, never want to say, and could not say even if he would, "Alone I did it." The two parties in the Union will always be acknowledged as partners in the good work. Equally, there must be a similar distribution of honour between the great political institutions of America. The Senate, armed with the tremendous powers given it by the Constitution, will not be left out of the account of praise and gratitude. Nor, again, will there be forgetfulness or ignorance as to the parts played by Congress as a whole, by the State Department and its able chief, nor by the Supreme Court— the body which, we must never forget, may be called upon, nay, almost certainly will be called upon, to interpret and sustain the decisions made at Washington. No section of the British People must be so foolish as to expect that we shall never again have differences with America or that she •will never in future feel hurt at our acts or we feel hurt at hers. Such family quarrels are certain to take place, but there will always remain this new race-consciousness of which we have spoken—the race-consciousness which will make the speakers of tho English tongue shrink from conflict as they shrink from civil -war.
A curious -example 'of this race-consciousness as it affects America was very noticeable at the Conference. Owing to our geographical position we have many more dealings •with 'foreign nations than have the Americans in their magnificent -and spacious isolation. We, 'indeed, are the only European nation that they have hitherto known at first hand 'and, as it were, by physical contact. Hence the Americans have always entertained what 'we might call a picture-book view of Frenchmen, Italians and even Germans. Accordingly, it did not occur to the Ameri- cans that, if you put a mixed parcel of delegates into a room to argue and try to do business together, you would be sure, whatever else happened, to find the English and the Americans in the end getting together by a -sort of chemical attraction, and, without meaning to be disagree- able, or !hostile,-or anything of the kind, becoming absorbed in each other and thus largely oblivious of " the other fellows."
Englishmen and Americans in such ciroumstances will enter the room with 'the most strongly held intentions to stick up for this or that view and to work with this or that foreign nation, but it always ends in the same way. The same sort of thing happens, not merely in high diplomatic affairs, but in the minor business of private life—in railway carriages, on board steamers, and especially whenever there is a little •trouble about anything. Take, for example, Stevenson's wonderful desc ription of the row at the French Art School over the bullying, or what appeared to be bullying, of innocent weaklings on the part of -some French students. The indomitable Pinkerton gets upon a table and shouts out, English and Americans to clear the room ! " and the room is accordingly cleared with great swiftness and thoroughness. No doubt the said English- men and Americans were, in private, all wont to declare how much they preferred their French colleagues to their English or American, as the case may be, and how much easier it was to get on with them, etc., etc. Yet, somehow, when itsame to the point, they had to act together. [Compare also the delightful story of the American who, during a wild row at the Genoa Customs, sprang on a table with a heavy grip-sack in each hand and yelled at the top of his voice, " Is there anyone here who speaks God's language ? " and got an instant cheer from all the English present.] We do•not want to say a word that may seem offensive to France, nor is there, in truth, anything offensive in what we are going to say ; but look what happened at Washington over M.Briand'sfamous "sardine and submarine" aphorism and Lord Curzon's note. We feel quite sure that all Americans would have said, before the Conference began, that they would take the part of France if anybody, and especially the British, said anything disagreeable to her or if any friction arose. Yet, when friction did arise, all Americans, though ready in the abstract to quarrel with their cousin, according to the Arab proverb set as a motto to this article found themselves instantly taking their cousin's side against the " foreigner." Before we close our expression of pleasure and gratitude for what has 'happened at Washington we desire to say something about ourselves ;which may .partly amuse and partly interest our readers. They swill, we feel sure, be surprised to learn that we have had evidence of 'an attempt to represent the Spectator as " persistently hostile in its attitude towards America." For example, a valued correspondent of the Spectator, with exceptional powers of observation, writes that some articles lately written by the editor of the Spectator in a distinguished American newspaper, the Baltimore Sun, have resulted in " com- munications," couched in very strong language, asking " what the devil " the paper meant by classifying the Spectator and its Editor as " tested friends of America."
Our correspondent goes on to say that during the last five or six years he has not been a regular reader, but for many years before he was a constant .observer of the Spectator's friendliness. " Did it change," he concludes, " during the later period " This 'would be annoying if it were not so ridiculous. One really hardly knows how to answer, especially as during the last five or six years our tone has been more, not less, pro-American. However, miracles may happen, and it is, we suppose, physically possible that, somehow or other unobserved by the editor, an editorial expression which looked like hostility to America may have crept into our columns. We therefore ask any readers, whether in England or in America, who have seen signs of this editorial hostility 'towards the United States 'and of "bitter 'and unfriendly" articles, to use another phrase in our correspondent's letter, to send us chapter and verse, and we will correct -our error, if it can be proved, and with the utmost pleasure at having thus secured the opportunity. To pass as anti-Americans is a position of Topsy-Turveydom which we 'neither desire nor deserve.
No doubt we have always claimed a right to criticize particular American politicians or particular American -acts of State just as we criticize men and things in England, but we have never used such criticism without making it clear that our condemnation or protest was not. for the American nation, but only for groups or individuals, and that our object was to -increase the safety, honour and welfare of the great Republic, and not to do her injury. We will not admit for a moment that to criticize a particular Senator, or Minister, or even a President for what we held to be personal mistakes is anti-American. Honest criticism may well be the most pro-American thing in the world. Certainly in the case suggested it was so intended, i.e., intended to help and not to hinder or to harm.
An amusing confirmation of our 'contention that we have never deviated from our friendly tone towards America may be quoted. While certain American observers are actually denouncing the Spectator for its bitter, unfriendly and anti-American views, we find Mr. Maxse, in the December National Review, doing what he has been doing, with perfect good faith no -doubt, for the last twenty years and more—that is, denouncing the Spectator for its imbecile partiality to America and what he would call, and has indeed called, "licking theboots of the Americans." The pro-American view, indeed, he is wont to dub as " the Spectator view." For example, while describing a recent speech of the American Ambas- sador as rejecting all possibility of an Alliance—a view always commended by us—he goes on : " It knocks on the head what may be called the Spectator view' of the United States. It temporarily reduced our esteemed contemporary to silence on its pet subject, though it not infrequently consecrates an entire article to any chance remark by an American Ambassador." That is in the National Review's best Amontillado style, and we confess to a keen journalistic appreciation of its phraseology, though -not of its meaning. It is, indeed, nonsense. We have never expressed a desire for an Alliance by Treaty with America, but have pointed out that such a pact was neither to be desired nor to be expected. Further, we have described it as unnecessary and inadvisable. We have always insisted that what we wanted was not an Alliance, but the sympathy of compre- hension awakened between the two branches of the English- speaking race. However, that is another story. We merely cite Mr. Maxse as a witness to prove the absurdity of representing the Spectator as an anti-American organ. Meanwhile, we await with no little interest the response to our invitation to our American. critics to send chapter and verse to prove our bitter and unfriendly tone towards the American Republic and the American People.
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