[To the Editor of the SPECTATOR.] SIR,—Knowing your interest in
India, may I venture to place before your readers very briefly a few ideas in the hope that they may lead to a correct appreciation of the position in my country ? The situation is bad enough, but it is made worse by ignorance or self-interest, prejudice or passion. I plead for mutual understanding because I want England and India to remain united as equals and friends. It will be a calamity if they become hostile to each other.
There is no hope for the continuance of the connexion between England and India if the latter does not become free and equal of the other members of the Commonwealth within the shortest period of time. India will not submit to her present position of inferiority. Lord Curzon (I think) described the Indian Government as "a subordinate Govern- ment." India is determined to become the mistress of her own household and to wipe off the humiliation of being a dependency. She may perish, but she will not give up the struggle for freedom.
The present policy of repression, relentless and ruthless, will not kill this movement. It is only increasing bitterness and hostility. Now women of highly respectable families, against immemorial tradition and usage, are coming out of seclusion, courting imprisonment and welcoming hardships and sufferings. This phase of the agitation is full of pro- found significance. A number of persons are beaten and sent to prison and another batch joyously takes the place. The present motto is, "Suffer but do not retaliate." The present movement is thriving on suffering and sacrifice. Such spirit may perhaps be suppressed, but cannot he destroyed. My own idea is that it has come to stay.
At the time of writing the result of the peace negotiations is not known, but I wish to state that the Round Table Conference without Mahatina Gandhi and the Indian National Congress will be utterly futile. I shall not be surprised if it worsens the situation. At the moment people's minds are engaged in making the boycott of British goods successful and no one has a thought to spare for the Conference. There may be differences of opinion as regards the work and worth of Gandhi, but there is no denying that he is the most dominating personality in India to-day. Without his co- operation a settlement appears to be impossible.
There has been a great deal of controversy about the Simon Report. Little do people in England realize that nothing short of Dominion status with fleeting safeguards during the period of transition will satisfy any section of political India. No one is willing to accept less. The Indian Liberals have passed a resolution to this effect, the great Moslem community is saying the same thing. The Indian Princes have openly declared their sympathy with this demand. The Indian problem is more psychological than political. Cold logic cannot solve it. For its solution one needs imagination and breadth of vision.
• I know the distressing poverty of my country. I do not forget that millions in my country know hunger, but not its satisfaction. I do not lose sight of the fact that my country is armless and helpless, and I fully realize the power of the mighty British Government, but still I maintain that world peace without peace in India is a mere dream. The theory of England being the trustee of India has been exploded times out of number ; the new cry of refereeship • started by
Sir John Simon is utterly laughable. Who has ever heard of a principal party in a conflict assuming the role of a referee ? In spite of a great deal which we have to forget and forgive, England can still secure the willing co-operation of India, provided the basis of co-operation is freedom and equality. On no other basis is lasting and willing co-operation possible. England and India together will he a tremendous force for good, against each other they will be a terrific source of
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