THE GREAT COAL STRIKE. T HE first and also the last
reflection which rises in the minds of sober men about this Coal Strike, now happily ended, is the terrible disproportion it has involved between means and ends, — a disproportion constantly visible in English trade disputes. We are always wasting guineas to get pence. So far as we can perceive, the quarrel at the bottom of the conflict was not one of principles at all, but of bare facts. It has been for years an unwritten law of the great mining industry—in our judgment, a very fair though not quite logical law—that the wages of all who work in the pits should vary with the profits of their employers. Nobody that we know of disputes that, or attempts to set up any other kind of wage-barometer. Well, the men said on the present occasion that profits as well as prices had in- creased, that they had had no increase to their wages in consequence, and that they ought to have had 10 per cent. more, half now and half in July. To this state- ment the associated masters returned a denial of the alleged fact, declaring that, though prices had gone up, profits had not, the fresh gains being exhausted, partly by increased expenses, partly by the effect of a reduction of output, but chiefly by the greediness of the middlemen, That surely is a question of fact which, if both parties were sensible, could have been ascertained by trained experts in two days, hostilities being,., sus- pended until they had made their report. Instel of instituting such an inquiry, however, which the masters said they were ready to facilitate by every means 'in their power, the men turned out in numbers variously estimated, but probably exceeding a hundred thousand ; and while a section of the masters, sullenly yielded, the ,majority endured for a week the loss of their usual receipts, the their small margin between profit and loss has been handed justice. We do not mean, be it observed, to suggest relentlessly cut away. If the strike had continued, actual that the State is to intervene in any forcible way. That would hunger would have been felt by entire districts, while never do, for it would involve a State regulation of wages, even as it was, a vast sum of money, certainly not less than and would collapse in the first twelve months ; but we do £300,000 for the week, was lost to the working body. We not see why the experiment of a State Arbitrator between acknowledge the right of the masters, if their contention is combatants who agree to his intervention should not be accurate, to resist ; we have always pleaded the right of tried. Neither combinations of masters nor Unions of men the men, if their view is correct, to strike, without too much would be in the least interfered with ; indeed, it is they consideration of consequences—the denial of that right who would agree or refuse to call in the Arbitrator. If .making them serfs of the community, which is not fair— they insisted on war, there would be war, just as at but we ask both to consider whether this method of present ; but an alternative to war, with its waste, would -battling is not foolishly, almost criminally, wasteful. It be present to the minds of both sides. It is not war -is destructive of the very sources of wealth, for though all which we deprecate when it is necessary, as it sometimes wealth is not resolvable, as the Socialists say, into labour is, but war when it is needless, when matters could —the growth of a timber tree, or of a corn crop, for be adjusted, or compromised, or settled without the . example, is not—most wealth cannot increase while labour present shocking waste of money, energy, and human is suspended. Why, in the name of common-sense, cannot suffering. We certainly show no favour to maudlin such disputes be referred to arbitration ? philanthropy, but it turns one sick to read of decent We know, or fancy we know, for we write as impartial women following coal-carts in Bolton, not to buy coal, but outsiders, and not as professed experts, what both sides to pick up dropped bits, because there is no coal to be would say if they spoke out. The masters would allege bought in the market for money, and this for reasons that if they yielded to the menace of strikes, they having no more connection with the women themselves or -would be ruined, for the men have got the idea in their condition than the sunshine or hailstorms have. their heads that all profit, except bare interest on capital, Every human action produces good or harm to those who belongs rightly to themselves, and conceive that if output do not deserve it ; but if actions which spread misery as is limited, prices would go up until they might be earning marshes spread miasma can be rendered fewer, it is common £2 a week for four days' work, or, if that alternative were human duty to reduce their number. adopted, might employ twice as many hands. The masters We see it stated that many masters, or possibly all, have therefore dread to yield, lest demands should go on in- an impression that increases of wages benefit miners very creasing, and at last impair even the capital value of their little, for they only accept them to work less, in order to coal. There is, of course, in addition, the combatant feeling reduce the output, and so, as they think, increase prices, of Englishmen when threatened, and the instinctive feeling and ultimately wages. Accepting the fact stated as of employers that they cannot take orders from the prima facie probable, men often displaying genius in their employed and retain their self-respect ; but the root of self-excuses for being lazy, is not too much stress the matter is, we believe, as we have stated. The men, laid upon its effect as a permanent cause of delusion ? on the other hand, are distrustful of the masters' justice, Miners are very like other people, we imagine ; they like doubt the accuracy of the books laid open to them, deny money to spend on themselves and their households, and altogether that the increase of prices ought to be swallowed as they grow more educated, and catch the middle-class by the middlemen, and declare that, whatever the cause, dread of poverty in old age, they will like it more. We whether it be the class feeling of arbitrators, or their rather distrust theories that deny the selfishness—or is it ignorance, or their dishonesty, arbitrations go as steadily the self-regardingness ?—of mankind, and expect to see in- against working folk about wages as they go against surrection against overseers among the first results of the England about territorial claims. The two parties, in fact, Socialist experiments which will one day be made. If the suspect each other like angry nations, and, like them, rush Unions strain matters too far in the direction of reducing to battle to discover on which side force lies, careless if output, they will excite just the hatred other ideologues the ruin involved in the struggle itself costs more than do, and will perish, like them, under a kind of passive victory will give. resistance from below. Besides, there is a limit to this Such struggles are lamentable, just as war is lamentable, notion of restraining output. The world is full of coal, and sometimes are as unavoidable ; but we cannot believe the article can be carried in cheap ships, and the day the that when the right depends upon questions of fact, price passes a certain level, Asiatic coal will be in full com- disputes need always lead to war. Negotiation ought to petition with that of Staffordshire and Northumberland. be much better conducted, and through experts, not It is of little use in human affairs, and especially con- principals ; and there must exist some kind of arbitra- tentious affairs, to look too far ahead ; and in this present tion in which both sides could put a decent measure. of month of March, 1890, the thing wanted is a good alterna- confidence,—as much, let us say, as in England the majority tive to a strike, on the occasions when both masters and of criminals put in Judges. Arbitrating committees do not men would prefer some other mode of fighting. When succeed, but that does not prove that single individuals, they want war, they can have war, just as the nations of position enough to be thoroughly known and trusted, can, though they keep up trained diplomatic services to would always fail. Judges are not distrusted even by those avert it. That is all we are suggesting, but that much against whom they decide in civil cases ; and why should can be obtained. Arbitrators be, if of the same rank, equally competent, collapse of contracts, and the consequent embarrassment and paid to be impartial ? There could be no difficulty about of their future trade. As most of the men are married, money, for an averted strike is worth, both to masters and the strike meant for them, that at least three hundred men, enormous sums ; nor do we see the slightest argument i thousand persons should have nothing to live on except their in precedent or in a priori reasoning why such Arbitrators .savings ; while it meant for the community, that industry should not be paid by the State. We pay Judges to hear through the most thickly populated parts of the country was the petty disputes of individuals : why not pay them to temporarily disorganised. Almost all manufactures are bear and decide the disputes of classes ? Suppose a Judge dependent upon coal ; the difficulties in the way of its of the kind and class of Lord Justice Bowen were storage on a large scale are very great ; the consumers are appointed Judge-Arbitrator, with power, whenever men accustomed to a mechanical regularity of supply, and a and masters agreed to refer their dispute to him, to render stoppage throws their whole system out of gear. Vast glass- an award : is it so certain that he would be distrusted ?
works, steelworks, bronze-works, and mills for textile fabrics We cannot even conceive why he should be, and know that were arrested, their " hands " were reduced to involun- classes almost as numerous, though a trifle higher in tart' idleness, and in another two hundred thousand homes the scale of cultivation, classes like the shareholders, —some estimates are much larger—the inmates, who are debenture-holders, and creditors of the London, Chatham, absolutely unconcerned in the strike, were also reduced at and Dover Railway, accepted an award of even greater best to live on the little they had saved. In one district pecuniary concern to them from Lord Cairns without per- alone, that round Accrington, twenty-five thousand persons ceptible murmurs, and probably with an inner conviction not miners were on Thursday standing idle without pay. that, after all, the Judge would know best. We know all Tens of thousands of decent folk are stinted, thousands that is said of the wrong-headedness of operatives, and are reduced to borrow, and the whole class of petty masters too ; but we have not lost all confidence in the tradesmen, whose lot is never a very happy one, and common-sense of mankind, or all belief in the old story whose services in distribution are invaluable, find that that the one thing to which even savages are alive is even- their small margin between profit and loss has been handed justice. We do not mean, be it observed, to suggest relentlessly cut away. If the strike had continued, actual that the State is to intervene in any forcible way. That would hunger would have been felt by entire districts, while never do, for it would involve a State regulation of wages,
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