THE AFRICAN SLAVE-LABOUR QUESTION.
[To VIZ EDITOR OF THR "SPECTATOR:] venture to trespass on your space, if you will kindly permit me, in order to point out a few phases of the difficulties surrounding the slave labour question, not only on the Portu- guese islands of San Thome and Principe, but in other places in Africa. Boycotting the slave-grown cocoa of the Portuguese islands has been proposed as a cure for the present system of slave labour, and has been adopted by some firms. It is quite proper that every right-minded manufac- turer of cocoa should refuse absolutely to purchase slave- grown cocoa, however profitable it might be. It is, however, clear that boycotting, which is a complex question, has proved quite inadequate as a method for putting pressure on Portugal to abandon slave labour, which has hitherto proved so profit- able. To make this system effective would require an inter- national agreement amongst the buyers, and this, I fear, is impossible of attainment. It is therefore necessary that effectual pressure should be brought to bear on the Govern- ment of Portugal by the Government of this country with a view to obtaining a final and adequate arrangement for abolishing slave labour in San Thome and Principe, the arrangement to be carried out under the superintendence of a British Consular officer. Unless the regulations are safeguarded by the presence of a British officer, there are many ways of evading them. I will relate one instance which will give an insight into a system of slave labour which has many ramifications.
While making inquiries into the slave question in Zanzibar and East Africa in 1895, I found that European firms were indirectly concerned in encouraging slave trading. The method employed was this. A European firm would finance an Arab of no capital to procure for their needs so many labourers at so much a head wages. The Arab would go into the market to purchase slaves with the capital advanced. The European firm would shelter themselves behind the Arab, as they bad nothing directly to do with slavery. They would simply say that they had an agreement with an Arab to pro- vide so many men at, say, ten shillings a month, or whatever wages were agreed upon. They were not supposed to know bow the men were procured, as they took no direct part in it. I hope that this system, as far as Zanzibar is concerned, has passed away with the gradual abolition of slavery under the Decree of 1897. But the system still exists in other places, and this is one of the main difficulties which confront the sincere abolitionist in grappling with slavery. When it is put down in one form, it raises its head in another, or under a new name, but turns out on examination to be nothing less than slavery. The usual form is the contract system. A contract is made with poor ignorant creatures who do not know what a contract means. They are practi- cally in the hands of agents, who may do as they please, They are hurried away like a troop of cattle to work away their lives for a mere trifle for piling up wealth for Christians in England and other places. There is at present a great demand for cheap labour for the pro- duction of rubber, cocoa, and other products, and those concerned in the trade are not particular as to how it is pro- cured; the main question that appeals to them is its cheapness. If they are Europeans, they try to escape their proper responsibilities by the contracts which they make with natives.
In my judgment the state of affairs in the African labour market has become so serious that I think the whole question should be carefully considered by the people of this country in order to formulate a plan which will remedy the terrible evils arising out of the present system of native labour in Africa. I have earnestly studied the question for a long time, and it seems to me that the only effectual method for putting an end to every form of slave labour is that an international arrangement should be entered into for regulating African labour of every kind; that fair wages should be paid to the natives employed direct, and not directly or indirectly to contractors or any other parties, under certain penalties ; that the natives employed should have the power of leaving their masters after giving, say, three months' notice ; and that the international arrangement should be carried oat under the superintendence of the Consuls of the nations concerned. This measure would, in my judgment, confer a charter of liberty and fair dealing on the natives of Africa to which they have hitherto been complete strangers. I should have confidence in its ultimate success if tile Spectator will extend to it its powerful aid.—I am, Sir, &c., Woosleoi, Sculls Godstorte, Surrey.
DONALD MACKENZIE.
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