ULSTER AND PROHIBITION. [To enz EDITOR OP THE " SPECTLTOR."3
Sta,—There are many rumours current at present of a new Irish settlement. Also we have had many very sentimental appeals made to Ulster to do something or other—nobody knows what—in order to bring about n settlement. When, by the way, will English- men understand that the Irish are not a sentimental people? This quality which is so often attributed to the Irish is really far more characteristic of the English, and much more common in the North than in the South of Ireland. I write as one who knows both North and South intimately.
My purpose in writing, however, is not to discuss the possibility or prospects of an Irish settlement, but to put in a plea for the consideration of an element which seems to be entirely overlooked by all, of every party, who approach the Irish question. Ireland is one of the original homes of whisky, and produces enormous quantities of the very best stout. It is a curious fact that an ancient Irish ecclesiastical record of the fourteenth century sandwiches in between important charters a recipe for the making of whisky. The feet is characteristic. The interest in the pro- duction of ardent spirits never flags in this island, where, whatever happens, life is never dull. Creeds and parties change, revolutions and rebellions convulse the land and pass; but whisky remains. The manufacture of strong liquors is undoubtedly a successful Irish undertaking, a native industry. Until recently, except Perhaps for a very few landlords, Ireland had no men of great wealth but her brewers and distillers; and, in most parts of the country, the rich man of the village is nearly always the leading publican. We have the liquor tradition in Ireland, and it is hard to break. No wonder that at the last attempt to deal with this question in Parliament the Irish Party, true to a flag older than Home Rule, rallied as one man to the defence of the Trade. What is going to happen next time? There is nothing to show that the Irish Party have altered in the least. And, though they may not be able to prevent strong measures in England, they will very likely be strong enough to save the " cruiskeen lawn " in Ireland.
Now here is the point I would wish to press upon the attention
of Englishmen. In this matter Ulster is quite apart from the rest of Ireland. Her mind and moral attitude are wholly different. There are " temperance men " in the South of Ireland, but the average Southern Irishman, despite Father Mathew, does not respond to the temperance movement. He finds no real appeal in it. It does not move him. The average Ulsterman, on the other hand, even though he may enjoy his glass and stick to it, knows in his heart that he would be better without it. The " catch-my- pal " movement stirred Ulster to her heart, but failed utterly beyond her borders. At the present moment a great wave of conviction as to the urgency of some drastic treatment of the liquor question is sweeping over Ulster. In every centre of population meetings are being held and memorials signed calling for Prohibition. All the moral and religious forces of Protestant Ulster are enlisted, and filled with enthusiasm. Great employers and leaders of labour are at one on this question. Those who know the working men of Belfast best believe that a majority are in favour of Prohibition, and that many who are regular drinkers, moderate or otherwise, are ready, even longing, for the change. It is significant that the two most influential Ulster newspapers, the Belfast Newsletter and the Northern Whig, have taken a very strong wail decided stand, and are prepared to welc'ome any restriction, no matter how great, which may be for the good of the country in this time of war.
In this respect, as in almost every other respect, *Ulster is the Irish Ontario, and must be treated as such. That is exactly what so many Englishmen fail to understand. And just as Ontario had to be set free to work out her own salvation on the lines laid down by her own genius and her own 'circumstances, so must Ulster. The South of Ireland seems to enjoy ,the rule of the political organization working through the public-house. There is nothing that Ulster detests so heartily; and she is not going to settle down into alcoholic amiability under the rule of a new Tammany Hall, when England and Scotland are set free.—I am,
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