NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE attention of Parliament has been devoted almost exclusively this week to the condition of Irishmen and Negroes—the two races of serfs whom it has pleased "the Saxon" to retain in poverty and bondage. The Tories and the Irish Members mustered in sufficient num- bers on Monday, to enable Ministers to carry resolutions which declared the inexpediency of adopting any measures for giving effect to last week's vote in favour of the Negro Apprentices. The numbers were 250 and 178; about 120 Tories voting in the majo- rity, and the Irish Liberal Members voting in the proportion of 29 to 16 on the same side. This result we anticipated last week. Nothing was advanced to shake our opinion that the slaveholders in the colonies have violated their compact with the people of this country, and that no benefit either to themselves who exact, or to the poor creatures who render constrained service, will arise from the prolongation of the Apprenticeship. The speeches on both
, sides were flat, though Sir ROBERT PEEL, Lord STANLEY, MT. O'CONNELL, and Lord JOHN RUSSEI.L joined in the debate.
The course of tho Conservative Opposition in reference to "the Irish- questions," was stated by Sir ROBERT PEEL on Tuesday. Lord JOHN RUSSELL having agreed that the Appropriation prin- ciple shall be inoperative—that the resolutions of 1835 shall remain a dead letter on the journals of the House, Sir Rosette PEEL promised to support the Ministerial scheme of converting tithe- composition into rent-charge ; and declared his readiness to aid in a friendly reform of the Church, by abolishing sinecures and apportioning payment to duty. The first part of the plan accords with Sir HENRY II ARDINGE'S bill introduced during the PEEL Administration in 1835; and the second with Lord STANLEY'S scheme for regulating the Church with a view to its greater effi- ciency. Thus far, then, the whole matter of compromise is con- tributed by the MELBOURNE Ministers. PEEL promises nothing that he did not offer before. The Whigs, on the other hand, as the Tories have truly stated, " raise the siege of the Mitch." Driven from the position which they took up in 1835, they virtu- ally engage to make no attempt to recover it. The sulemn decla- ration that no settlement of the Irish Tithe question, which did not comprise a provision for the general education of the people out of the funds of the Church, could be satisfactory, is to be in their hands of no effect. It is useless, and worse than useless to the party as a palliative of defeat, to pretend that because the resolutions of 1835 are not formally rescinded, the Liberals main- tain their ground. Those resolutions were never of the least. practical value except as a basis fora measure, which it is now agreed shall rest upon another principle—upon that of securing to the Church the full amount of her commuted revenues, and withdrawing nothing from that source for national education. The Tones have conquered all they fought for : they stood on the de- fensive, and after a protracted conflict have forced their as.ailants to retreat. Lord JOHN RussELL confessed his utter discomfiture, when he admitted that Earl GREY, who told him he never could carry the " Appropriation," was a true prophet. That the " settle- ment will neither.be " final,- nor " satisfactory " while it lasts, affecte the present position of the question no more than the want of finality and absence of satisfaction affects the Reform Act. Su ter. the Tories are triumphant. But to secure this victory, it is suid that they make important concessions in their turn. This would be true on the face of the arrangement, if, for a Tory Tithe Bill, Sir ROBERT PEEL agreed to the Liberal Corporation
Bill. But he does nothing of the kind. He offers to pass a Mu- nicipal Bill—one which will secure the predominance of the Rai-
nionty throughout the cities and towns of Ireland. He will not p ace the municipal franchise in. the hands of the same class of persons in Ireland as in England. In the latter country, the simple payment of rates of the smallest amount is sufficient to entitle a resident in a corporate town to the franchise. But Sir ROBERT PEEL stipulates that the Irish Municipal seater shall be rated at 10 .-• a higher standard of qualification than is required even 1 pszoory voter in England, in the proportion of•the difference in the xi-One of money in the two countries. A further examination of the details of the PEEL sok. cue of Corpo- rate Reform will show, that, in other respects, the Government bill is to be rendered less popular than it was when introduced. Corporations there are to be, in eleven towns, but they will be Tory corporations. If you will give me such a Tithe Bill as I like, I will return you a Municipal Bill to suit my purposes— not yours. " Heads I w in, tails you lose :" such is the Tory pro- posal to carry on the Irish game. Manifestly, if they adhere to the understood arrangement of their leaders with Sir ROBERT PEEL, the Liberals will suffer defeat on the Corporation as well as the Tithe question. The third Irish measure is the Poor Bill: and it would seem, from the support its most important principle-that of affording relief to the destitute able-bodied—receives from the Duke of WELLINGTON, that it is part of the Tory-Whig compact to carry this bill. With the Duke's aid, Ministers defeated an attempt of Lord FITZWILLI AM to limit relief to the sick and inffien, by a ma- jority of 107 to 41. The rating-clauses will serve to supply the test for the Municipal constituency,—though if the Poor Bill should not become a law, Sir ROBERT PEEL is prepared to sub- stitute distinct machinery for his Corporation Bill. According to present appearances, then, the three Irish questions will be settled, after a fashion and for a time, before the prorogation of Parliament: and it is natural to ask whether good or mischief will, on the whole, have been effected by the arrangement. We hesitate not to say, that, in comparison with the late and existing state of things, it will be a material advantage. The readers of the Spectator are aware that for a long time past we have antici- pated no other or better result than that which is close upon us. The LYNDHURST policy, changed from aggression to apparent con- ciliation, has met with that success which the weakness or insin- cerity of the men who are unhappily at the head of the Liberal party rendered inevitable. The ease with which they are now driven back, almost persuades the Whigs that they have not been soundly drubbed. Let time relative posktions of each pa :-•;- coolly surveyed--let the Liberals reine* where they were in the spring of 1835, and see where they island now—and the delusion will disappear. The Tory conqueror dictates the terms of peace. But peace is better, though on hard conditions, than a warfare without resources, without hope, without udequate objects.
By concurring in the settlement of the Irish questions on terms which strengthen their influence, the Tories are smoothing the way to their ultimate object—the recovery and permanent posses- sion of power. Such is the principal advantage they expect to derive from the arrangement with the Whigs. Their return is intleed,now only a question of time. That it cannot be very long delased, is certain; but their anticipations of a long enjoyment of the sweets of office may be disappointed. While they are resting on a Parliamentary majurity, the mind of the nation will be advancing; and another turn of the political wheel may again see them at the bottom. Meanwhile, we gain time and opportu- nity for promoting matters of more practical value than those which have lately engrossed and wasted so much of public and. Parliamentary attention. It is no small advantage, that with " the Irish questions," an enormous quantity of lying, humbug, and hypocrisy will be with- drawn hum present service. Tnere will no longer be a pretence
available to the veriest dolt its the House of Commons for " pat- ting Ministers on the back." The Appropriation principle, Irish
Corporation Reform, and the fear of "tile Tories" deluging Ire-
land with bloodshed in tithe conflicts, will no longer serve as bugbears wherewith to dupe and frighten weak Liberals into the
basest compliances. Mr. O'CosisreLL's " six old Irish judges"
will no longer pass at inure than their worth in English cur- rency; and Mr. Hume's " keeping out the Tories" will meet
with as little sympathy as the drone of a cracked bag ipe. The delusion of inaey who ought to have been iodependent has ex- ceeded what we imagined possible : but to credulity and silliness of every kind an end must come ; and that which has so long favoured the Whig Ministry, at the expense of the country's sub- stantial interests, really seems on the point of being cleared away.
Surely we are not too sanguine in expecting, that henceforward measures will be examined inure with reference to their intrinsic merits than their beating on the position of parties; and that Members of Parliament will be judged not by what they do to keep in or put out any Minibus, but by the benefits they assist in winniug her the nation.
