LETTERS TO THE EDITOR.
[Letters of the length of one of our leading paragraphs are often more read, and therefore more effective, than those which fill treble the space.] AMERICA—THE WAR—IRELAND.
(To THE EDITOR OT THE " SPECTATOR.")
Sta,—Lord Lansdowne and the Pacifists with whom he is asso- ciated do not seem to have taken into their account the views of President Wilson and his probable course of action in the event of a peace proposal from the Germans. A letter just received by me from a supporter and neer friend of the President contains a statement of these views which may be of interest to these would- be peace makers. From it I quote as follows :- " The clear and all but universal recognition that a conclusive military defeat of Germany must be a condition precedent to peace negotiations which can lead to any result greatly simplifies and clarifies the situation; the ultimate settlement must, of course, be thought about and planned for, but the immediate military situation, quite properly, absorbs the attention of the people here as elsewhere. The participation of American troops in actual fighting has had a wonderful effect on public opinion here: I really think that Burleson's statement to you is now justified, that America cannot and will not quit the contest even if France and England should have to [` Burleson' is the Hon. A. S. Burleson, Postmaster-General in President Wilson's Cabinet : S. R.. H.], and that danger, which was a very real one in the case of France, has pretty clearly passed by."
The writer of the letter—a Pacificist by temperament, and a firm believer and supporter of Home Rule for Ireland, in so far as an American can properly have an opinion in relation to the politics of a foreign country—continues :- " Take the Irish question. I do not take exception to what you say, or even to the somewhat extreme attitude of the Spectator so far as the present situation is concerned—the lesser is some- times swallowed up in the greater. The whole Irish ques- tion is, after all, such a small detail in the world situa- tion that it has become almost wholly subordinated— even in the minds of those Irish-Americans who have been so insistent for Home Rule in the past. When victory has been won, the Irish question may again emerge in American politics—hardly until then. So many Irish-Americans are fighting in France that their success absorbs the thoughts of those of their race and faith here almost to the exclusion of Irish politics at home. Moreover, such a burning sentiment of loyalty to America has been created since we entered the war—it hardly existed as an articulate national sentiment before—that anything which savors of disloyalty to America or to an ally of America, still more if it partakes of the suspicion of pro-Germanism, has become highly unfashionable, or worse. The Irish question has, in short, ceased to have that serious political importance in America which it has had in the past. I do not see how it can again acquire such importance here until Sinn Feinism ceases to be a dominating factor in Ireland."
[We are grateful to our correspondent for sending us these important extracts. They are important because the writer of the letter is a well-known American of very high political standing who is in close personal relations with the present American Administration. We take the letter to confirm what we have said over and over again, that President Wilson's idealism impels him to a decisive and unquestionable military victory as the pre- liminary to everything else that may follow.—ED. Spectator.]
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