BOOKS.
MR. LECHY'S accustomed gift of orderly and lucid and well-balanced statement is abundantly illustrated in his latest book ; but we cannot think that, as a whole, it is quite as judicial in tone as we should have expected from him. Not that he shows any unfairness as between parties. In referring to events down to 1885, at any rate, he is remarkably even-handed in his assignment of praise and blame ; and as to what has happened since that date, one party, we regret to say, appears to us thoroughly to deserve whatever special censure it receives from him. But as to democracy itself, Mr. Lecky strikes us as giving too great relative prominence to the case for the prosecution, as generalising from insufficient data, and as not making adequate allowance for the encouraging inferences to be drawn from facts which he himself records. That there is a strong case against democracy we do not for a moment deny, and Mr. Lecky puts it very clearly and forcibly. It cannot be disputed that within the memory of living men the position held by the House of Commons in the regard and esteem of the British public has sensibly declined. This decline has ensued upon two great reductions in the Parliamentary suffrage, and has proceeded since the second of those reductions at an accelerated rate. It has had reference to a perceptible falling-off in the dignity and decorum of the proceedings of the House of Commons, and in its efficiency as a legislative body. A similar and even more decided decadence has been witnessed in the reputation and character of French Legislatures, comparing those of the Third Republic, elected by universal suffrage, with those of the reign of Louis Philippe, elected on a very narrow franchise. The low tone prevailing in French politics, and the singular paucity of eminent men engaged in their pursuit, are matters of common remark. Mr. Lecky also calls attention to the enormous costliness of the present regime in France,—a costliness due not merely, by any means, to the vast expenditure on military purposes, but, in a degree which alarms the best French economists, to an "enormous and wasteful expenditure on public works which are, for the most part, =remunerative; which are intended, by giving employment, to conciliate the working classes, and which are extended to every department, almost to every commune, as a reward for supporting the Government." This culpable extravagance, as Mr. Lecky truly contends, is wholly at variance with the most characteristic qualities of the French people. In the 'United States it is unfortunately notorious that " personal dishonesty in the exercise of legislative powers prevails largely," and that politicians as a class are widely looked upon with indulgent contempt, " the best life and energy of the nation," as Mr. Lecky says, " flowing habitually apart from politics." This fact gives further illustration to his view that " pure democracy is one of the least representa- tive of governments." The lamentable condition of American politics is largely attributable to the strength and elaborate- ness of the party " machine," and Mr. Leaky maintains that " since this country has committed itself to democracy, the caucus system—which is but another name for the American machine, and which, like the American machine, is mainly
• honeoracy and Liberty. By William Edward Hartpole Lecky. 2 vole. London : Longman., Green, and 0o.
managed by a small number of active politicians—has grown with portentous rapidity. It nominates the can- didates for elections. It dictates their policy in all its details. It applies a constant pressure by instructions, remonstrances, and deputations at every stage of their task. It reduces the ordinary Member of Parliament to the position of a mere delegate or puppet, though at the same time it tends, like many other democratic institutions, to aggrandise enormously the power of any single individual who is sufficiently powerful and conspicuous to enlist the favour of the nation and dominate and direct the caucus machinery."
We are quite prepared to acknowledge the weight attaching to these observations, even though we think that as regards the present operation of democracy here they savour of ex- aggeration ; and we fully admit the evils and the more than possibilities of danger in future to which the facts brought together and skilfully arrayed by Mr. Lecky bear witness. It is well that citizens of all democratically governed countries should study the actual or possible ten- dencies of that system of polity in the light of comparison, both with their own past and with the working of popular institutions in other lands. It is specially well that we in England should recognise the disastrous results which may be expected to ensue if we allow the mechanical element in politics to approach the pitch of development and power which it has long occupied among our kinsmen across the Atlantic, and that we should lay to heart the fact on which Mr. Lecky dwells with great earnestness and force, that our Constitution is exceptionally devoid of effective securities against any sudden rush of subversive popular feeling, on lines prepared for it by caucus-mongers and political adven- turers. It would, we quite agree with him, be a great mis- take if moderate politicians were to infer from their great triumph last year that there is no need for any change or reform in the Upper House, and we are very glad that Mr. Lecky has thrown the weight of his authority and influence definitely in favour of changes which, while preserving the hereditary element in that House, would qualify it, by the election of a limited number of Peers from the whole body to serve as legis- lators, and supplement it by the introduction in other ways of a representative contingent. But while welcoming Mr. Lecky's warnings and recommendations as deserving the moat careful consideration, we cannot but think that he has, on the one hand, taken more gloomy a view than is necessary of the natural developments of democracy; and, on the other hand, that he has failed to bring out the possi- bilities attaching to greater activity, both individual and organised, on the part of the higher and more educated classes.
It may seem presumptuous to make the suggestion to the distinguished historian of the eighteenth century, but it certainly seems to us that conclusions of the most highly unfavourable tenour with regard to the working of the English Constitution might have been very plausibly drawn by a writer living at the time of Walpole, who agreed with Mr. Lecky and Mr. Herbert Spencer that institutions should be judged by their effect on character. The corruption prevalent in American politics may be very bad, but it can hardly be worse than that which existed in English politics at the period in the last century when a man of good position, having refused a "gratification " in return for his support of the Government, thought it necessary to write apologetically to the Minister to explain that in his family it was not usual to receive substantial considerations for the discharge of political duty. Under various influences and by various means, the English oligarchy of the eighteenth century became purified from the taint of personal corruption. That taint was not of its essence, nor is it of the essence of a democracy. There is no reason in the nature of things why the abuses which have attached themselves to the working of democracy in America and France should not be purged away by the influence of an enlightened and energetic public opinion. In both countries, indeed, there have been by no means unimportant manifestations of such an uprising in regard to administrative corruption, and the action to which Mr. Lecky makes prominent reference as having been taken by the inhabitants of several of the States of the American Union, through Conventions summoned for the purpose, to place constitutional restrictions on the mischievous activity of the local Legislatures and officials, affords, in our judgment, very striking evidence of what may be called the self-righting power of democracies. In this con- necion Mr. Lecky discusses, in some very clear and intermit- ing pages, the question of the introduction of the Referendum into the English political system, and, within certain limits, pronounces distinctly in favour of the promise such an arrangement would afford, in the way of security against hasty constitutional innovations, and also, perhaps, as a means of determining other important issues on which there is continued disagreement between the two Houses of the Legislature. On this point we are strongly inclined to concur with Mr. Lecky, holding, with him, that "popular opinion is likely to be least dangerous if it is an unsophisticated opinion on a direct issue, as far as possible uninfluenced by agitators and professional politicians." But even more important than the adoption of measures by which popular opinion may be, so far as possible, preserved from giving decisions at important crises under the influence of con- fusing and inflaming appeals from demagogues and political adventurers, is the subjection of that opinion at all times to the influence of men engaging in politics with high public motives and a wide outlook. The great body of the English people is very willing to listen to counsel from those who are recognised as possessing special opportunities and qualifications for the study of affairs of State. The net result so far of the Home-rule move- ment initiated by Mr. Gladstone in 1886 appears to us to afford very satisfactory evidence of the capacity of the democratic electorate to arrive at sound conclusions, when public questions are fully argued before it by thoroughly earnest and competent advocates, even if a mighty per- sonality and great eloquence are thrown on the wrong side. Let us multiply our constitutional checks by all means, but the experience of the United States, as clearly set forth by Mr. Lecky, shows that their existence, in great and effective abundance, is no guarantee against a degradation of political life. Indeed, it may fairly be contended that the very security of American institutions has actually tempted many of the best citizens to hold aloof from politics. We are strongly inclined to believe that if, as a body, they were now to throw themselves into public life the worst evils of United States politics, and the odious "spoils system," would dis- appear. But that self-righting power of democracies of which we have spoken can only be relied upon when leading citizens recognise the imperative character of the duty resting upon them to take a steadily active part in public affairs. If the strength of the " machine " is to be broken down in America, if its growth to an unhealthy predominance is to be effectually checked here, the classes possessed of culture and leisure must take the lead in the struggle against it. Mr. Lecky has much to say which is true enough of the tendency of democratic institutions to drive the best elements of a nation out of public life. Those tendencies, however, need rarely, if ever, prevail if the upper classes retain and exercise in the right direction an adequate measure of the high spirit and stubborn resolution by which in old days aristocracies were founded. They have special advantages in England for the discharge of guiding functions, and it will be more their fault than t hat of the masses if the course of democratic government here is not honourable and prosperous.
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