THE GERMAN DISLIKE FOR ENGLAND. T HE Times is very angry
indeed with the Germans for abusing the British for their conduct in South Africa, and in being so reflects accurately general English opinion. Our countrymen, having no dislike for Germans, who in England make excellent citizens, and do not take away the fortunes they accumulate, think it very hard that Germans at home should be so censorious, and even brutal, whenever they discuss English affairs. The average Englishman expects Frenchmen to be sarcastic or hostile, "because of Waterloo" and a long history behind that battle ; but as we come of the same stock as Germans, and have never had occasion to fight them, he thinks their dis- like unreasonable, and attributes it to some badness, or, as the Americans say, "cussedness," in their natures. That, however, is not the true explanation. The German people have recently woke up to a perception that they are very poor, are organised in a way which greatly restricts their liberties, and are not quite so powerful all over the world as they are at home. They are especially hurt because, while their population is rapidly increasing, the swarms they throw off have "nowhere to go," and they conse- quently lose every year thousands of their citizens, who, once settled in foreign lands, make themselves very comfortable and refuse to return. "There are no Prussian police here," say Germans in Ohio, and Brazil, and almost every British Colony. Ea,.(Yer to be rich. anxious for expansion, and filled with a new and quite justifiable pride in their suddenly developed energy, the Germans look abroad in the world, and find the English and Americans everywhere in their way. The latter bottle up South America as a reversion for them- selves, and the former occupy all the remaining broad lands suitable for European settlers. The ships of the two Powers cover the seas, and in spite of incessant effort the mass of their trade seems never to diminish. Success- ful as we are, we are not easy-minded ourselves when Germans interfere with our markets, and in the struggle for a monopoly of business Hermann represents the small shopkeeper who is struggling, and therefore both bitter and suspicious, and John Bull the already established firm. To add to the aggravation, the Germans see that their two rivals, who are always getting richer and more powerful, have no conscription to endure, have no fear of punish- ment for Mse-nuzjestO, and make a point of saying what they like, not always in the pleasantest fashion. Natur- ally the Germans, who though on the whole good people are not good tempered ones, but "huffy," pretentious, and liable to anger, have learned by degrees to dislike Ameri- cans and English very keenly, and in almost equal degrees. Recent events have greatly exacerbated the feeling of envy. They did not expect the Americans to smash Spain, an event which immensely increased their estimate of American power and its dangerousness, and they have been irritated by the British decision to be supreme in South Africa. They think South Africa the richest bit of the earth's surface, and feel about its conquest as Englishmen and Frenchmen used. to feel about the Spanish possession of South America. They think, in fact, that South Africa will make us so rich that competition will be impossible. They believe any story of our ambition, attribute cruelty to us without considering evidence because they would in like circumstances be cruel, and are keenly rejoiced at any disaster which befals us, or any apparent probability that the task will, after all, prove beyond our strength. "You will be beaten," says the casual German acquaintance, and he speaks in all sincerity because he cannot bear to believe in another result, which, as he thinks, would leave himself hopelessly outstripped. The mood. is not an amiable one, and to the Englishman, who is by nature free from envy, it seems even less amiable than it is ; but it is not the product of "cussedness," but of accumu- lated circumstances. If theY German by any miracle should discover a Johannesburg in Pomerania, or an un- occupied and fertile continent in the Pacific, he would be most friendly with the Englishman, and attribute to him all capacities except, indeed, those of becoming learned or comprehending music. Those gifts are monopolies secured to Germany by a patent from on high.
• Our countrymen are equally mistaken in their judgment of the German Emperor, or, rather, in their two judgments. When he does anything opposed to British interests, William II. is in their 'eyes a perfidious fanfaron who is governed firstly by vanity and secondly by detestation of his mother's kinsfolk. He is always plotting mischief; he sought an alliance with Kruger, and he planned the Anglo- German agreement chiefly that he might oust the British from their trade on the Yangtse-kiang,. He courts the Russians because they are hostile to Great Britain, and if France would consent, would gladly join an international League to restore Great Britain to the place among nations justified by,her size and population. When, however, the German Emperor proposes alliance, or a visit, or in any other -way displays good feeling for this country, he is accepted as a versatile genius, his efforts to develop com- merce are condoned, and the world is gravely informed that the grandson of Queen Victoria ' could not be other- wise than than good, and a cordial friend to the country with which he is so nearly connected. There is very little foundation for either of these two estimates. Kings of the old dynasties care little about relationships, are of necessity cosmopolitan, and are governed, if not exclu- sively, at least in the main, by a keen sense of their own interests. William II. probably admires this country as the seat of an old and stable Monarchy, German in origin and predilections, but he is possessed with the belief, which he has a perfect light to hold, that for Hohen- zollerns to be safe and great they must increase the diffused wealth of Germany, must create a splendid foreign commerce, and must therefore build up a great fleet and acquire coaling stations in different cerners of the globe. They must also secure some land. whither the surplus population of Germany may betake them- selves, and live in prosperity without ceasing to be German subjects. If in pursuit of these objects it is necessary to quarrel with Great Britain or America, or to arrange coalitions against them, he will do so without con- sidering that Mr. McKinley was a victim of Anarchists, Or that he himself is his uncle's nephew. His duty, as he reads it, is to consider his own people, and them only ; and if he sees a. possibility of monopolising the Yangtse-kiang, or obtaining South Africa, or reviving the Monarchy of Brazil in his own person, he will endeavour to secure those ends even by maritime war. At present, the Fleet not being ready, he desires peace, cultivates his Russian cousins, is perfectly willing to visit England, and sends to America honorific messages. There is no treachery in his policy, though if he could he would gladly annex German Austria, Brazil, Anatolia, South Africa, and all the trade between Europe and the Far East. Why not? Those achievements would be for the advantage of Germany, and he is, in his own view, German Emperor in order that he may plan and organise, and if necessary fight, for what he believes to be the benefit of his own people. How else would you define a patriot King? No doubt it is possible that by internal reforms, and especially by enabling Germans to select his counsellors, he might benefit them; and even enrich them, more permanently ; but he does not think so, and he can but act according to his lights.
the'main, his subjects agree with him. They would gladly be allowed more liberty, and a fuller right to collaborate with their Government; but that being unattainable, they admire the only Sovereign who is alive, and wish that his plans may succeed. They gave him his Naval Bill with- out half the resistance they offered to his Canal Bill, and they will, we doubt not, permit him to expend the Chinese indemnity as it comes in upon fresh cruisers. We see no rea: on why Englishmen should detest the Emperor on that account, though we see much why both England awe America should watch his policy closely, should always be prepared, and should remember that of all me in Europe he is the most likely, when once ready, to deka for great objects, and to strike quick and hard. The ens expedient rule for outsiders when considering the police of Princes is to believe that they will seek their count' interests along the line of least resistance. They are as ready as ever to expend treasure and men, but they do not nowadays expend men and treasure to gratify spites or build up personal reputations.
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