Great Britain To-day and To-morrow
rp. past greatness of Britain is founded upon the fact that its policy—always perfectly coherent— has ever been directed towards the furthering of the general interests of Europe. This policy centres upon two principles ; the one economic, that of Free Trade, and the other political, the Balance of Power. Free Trade is the economic doctrine of a nation endowed by nature and industry with advantages superior to those of other nations.
Thanks to her insular position, and consequent im- munity from invasion, Britain possessed vast financial reserves, and the Bank of England dominated the world. Her power was due to those first essentials—the progress which she had made in the development of machinery, and to her Fleet, and the outlets which such a Fleet made possible. The fiscal policy of such a nation is Free Trade. Quite naturally, under these conditions, the policy was conservative—that is to say, pacific. Wealth supported this outlook. The constant need of British policy was not to admit that any other nation could possibly offend her.
Balance is a principle of strength—but it is also a principle of peace. The long-drawn-out War, too costly and too destructive even for British shoulders to support, has changed all that. The gold reserves have vanished ; the outlets are closed. Throughout the world new industries, capable of competing with British trade, have been created, and to crown this misfortune com- petition in the coal trade from electricity and petrol has rendered coal no longer a staple industry. British coal mines, hitherto accustomed to rule the markets, find themselves menaced by competition which reaches their very doors. They have done what all industries do when they are upon the defensive ; they have clamoured for Protection. Now this is natural, but fatal ; for if Free Trade assures peace, Protection in its essentials is a doctrine of war. Protection raises the cost of living, lowers the level of the life of nations, and engenders discontent. Protection permits the exist- ence of artificial industries, the reality of which from an economic standpoint is not justified. It inclines States towards autarchy ; to become self-centred, and to suffice unto themselves ; or, in other words to prepare for war and to ridicule blockade—Britain's great weapon.
Protection, with which Britain has been dallying in the course of the last few years—or which at any rate she has authorized by her example—is a source of insecurity for the nations. Its modern form is the race for armaments. It is futile to pursue the question of disarmament if one does not believe in the idea of the security of nations, which itself exacts the abolition of all customs barriers. But when Continental countries turn to Great Britain to ask for participation by way of guarantee of their security, they receive a negative response. The very strong reasons for this are obvious. Britain, which has interests in all parts of the world, has not a free band in Europe. Britain is not now, as hitherto, a Power which is chiefly European. The evolution which has displaced the centre of gravity of the world makes itself felt too in the heart of the British Empire. Britain must take into account the attitude of her Dominions in the event of any possible conflict. She must consider, too, the attitude of the United States.
Formerly the guardian of Continental balance of power, Britain is to-day confronted by world problems. She is on the defensive in her policy just as she is in her economy. No one can reproach her for this, but the fact remains. It means that Great Britain, in the eyes of the European nations, has ceased to be the great protecting power for peace. Upon an essential point—the Geneva Protocol —British policy is contrary to the interests of the small Powers. One sees the traditional role of Great Britain' on the Continent slipping little by little into the hands of France, which is less well equipped to stand the strain. Having failed to understand soon enough—in 1914— the necessity of finding an outlet for her isolation, Great Britain bears to-day the consequences of a terrible war. Outside observers sometimes ask themselves whether she is not tending to repeat a mistake of the same kind. It appears certain to them that by reason of her wide political interests, Britain is not in a position to remain detached from any conflagration of importance which she herself may produce. What do they ask of her. ? To say in advance that she will not so stand aloof. Her declaration will suffice, in ninety-nine cases out of a hun- dred, to prevent war. Far from increasing the risks to her, her word would reduce them to nothing. On the other hand, such risks would actually be created by her silence.
Moreover, we cannot see how it would be possible for Britain, not only to take no interest in the security of Europe (this is obvious), but, further, to take no interest in its greatness and prosperity. For a long time Great Britain was strong enough to address Europe in the name of her world interests. Britain, to the nations of Europe, was backed by the universe. To-day this situation is reversed. Britain is no longer able to speak for the world, which has outgrown her. Neither the United States nor even the British Dominions would tolerate such a position. There now remains no other resource for her greatness than to speak in the name of Europe to the world. Britain has always been the connecting link between Europe and the other Continents. In the past, however, Europe was strong enough to provide for itself and England could do likewise. Now the world is able to look after itself, and the strength of Great Britain is in proportion to its right to speak in the name of Europe. This is why the small nations of which our Continent is composed await the moment when Great Britain, in her own interest, places herself at their head.
WILLIAM MARTIN (Editor of Le Journal de Geneve.)
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