Compromise in Austria
IT is too soon to say that there will be peace between the rival factions—Heimwehr and Socialist—in Austria, but the new Chancellor, Herr Schober, is making a notable bid for success. As Police Commissioner he used his powers with leniency, though he was expected by many people to use them summarily, and he now appeals to his reputation for tolerance. So far he has per- formed the partial miracle of presenting a scheme of Consti- tutional reform which neither faction feels able to reject.
Anybody with a thirst for apparently insoluble political conundrums could drink his fill in Austria. The nice balance between urban and agricultural interests which is desirable for every stable community is glaringly absent in Austria. The City of Vienna has such a com- manding position from its numerical strength and its revenue that it was constituted a separate Province in the Republic. The Socialists who are based on this naturally Socialist and anti-Clerical stronghold have persistently tried to overrule the less well organized " rest of the country " which is conservative by con- viction and clerical by tradition. This opposition is of its nature sharp enough, but it is made all the more dangerous by the existence of irregular armies which owe allegiance, not to the State, but only to their own masters.. On one side is the Republican Defence Force of the Socialists and on the other the Heimwehr. The Heimwehr is generally described, not unjustly, as a Fascist body. It is supported largely by discontented aristocrats, by industrial workers who have been pressed by their employers into service against the trade unions, and by a certain number of agriculturists. It was notice- able that in the recent conflict at St. Lorenz between the irregular forces, the working class elements in the Heim- wehr were more prominent than those who might have been supposed to be their natural leaders.
For some time it has seemed possible that the Heimwehr would follow the line taken by the Fascists in Italy.
Private persons who had a " stake in the country," industrial or otherwise, and who wanted forcibly to substitute order and prosperity for the industrial and financial uncertainties associated with Socialism might have inspired a march upon Vienna by the " black shirt " Heimwehr. It seems now, however, that Herr Schober is more likely to draw the fangs of the Heimwehr than to drive it • to any desperate course. It is true that physically the Heimwehr is at present stronger than the Socialist army, but Herr Schober offers it just enough satisfaction (without being unfair to the Socialists) to make it shrink from a warlike policy. Very likely he has pointed out that in any case civil war is a sheer gamble. If the Heimwehr yielded to that argument it was much easier for the Socialists to be frightened into sanity. To them Herr Schober perhaps said in effect, " Do not press me too far. I will be as gentle with you as I can, but if it comes to war the Heimwehr will be too strong for you."
Such is the atmosphere in which the Chancellor has presented his Reform Bills. Of the subjects with which the Bills deal much the most important are the proposed change in the status of Vienna and the extension of the powers of the President and the Federal Government. Herr Schober would end the anomaly of Vienna having the dual status of a city and one of the nine Provinces. The Municipality of Vienna is practically omnipotent, because it is almost impossible to appeal against its decisions, The Chancellor proposes an independent committee which will hear appeals on such matters as local govern= ment, housing and local taxation. On the other hand, Vienna will be guaranteed against being subordinated a second time to the Provincial Government of Lower Austria. In justifying the extension of the President's powers the Chancellor points out that he does not propose any larger powers than are allowed to the German President or the President of Czechoslovakia. But again he saves himself from appearing to lean too far to one side ; he proposes that the President shall be elected by plebiscite, or that in the event of no clear majority being thus obtained he shall be chosen, as now, by the Houses of Parliament in joint session. Finally, the President will be enabled to deal with emergencies by ordinance, though every ordinance is, on appeal, to be submitted to Parliament. As for the new emergency powers for the Federal Government, the Chancellor points out that such powers are to be found in the German Constitu- tion and in the statutes of Great Britain, Poland and Czechoslovakia.
We hope that there will be no Socialist refusal to give the Government the necessary two-thirds majority. If agreement is reached there will be a good prospect of disbanding the rival armies. Without disbandment there can be no real peace. Although it is very unusual for a British Minister to warn another country against recklessness in its domestic affairs, it would be pleasant to acknowledge that Mr. Henderson's recent warning to the Austrian parties helped them to settle their differences.
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